The second Bank of the United States began
operating in Philadelphia on 7 January 1817.
South Carolinian Rep. John C. Calhoun in February proposed
a Bonus Bill with the Bank providing $1.5 million for public works,
and in February the United States Congress passed the bill.
James Monroe wrote this letter to
former President Thomas Jefferson on 23 February 1817:
I had the pleasure to receive the letter which you
forwarded to me through Col. Trumbull, & to apply it with
the best effect to the purpose for which it was intended.
Congress passed a law under which a contract has been
concluded with him for the painting of four pieces:
the declaration of Independence;
the surrender of Burgoyne, that of Cornwallis;
& the resignation of General Washington.
For these he is to receive 32,000 dollars, 8,000
in advance, and 6 on the completion of each picture.
I am satisfied that he owes this tribute of respect
principally to your favorable opinion of his merit.
To your friendship & good wishes in my favor I have always
had the greatest sensibility and shall continue to have.
The time is approaching when I shall commence the
duties of the trust suggested in your last, the difficulties
of which have been felt in a certain degree, even
in the present stage; particularly in the formation
of the administration with which I am to act.
On full consideration of all circumstances, I have
thought that it would produce a bad effect to place
anyone from this quarter of the union in the
Department of State or from the south or west.
You know how much has been said to impress
a belief on the country, north & East of this, that
the citizens from Virginia holding the Presidency
have made appointments to that department to
secure the succession from it to the Presidency
of the person who happened to be from that state.
My opinion is that those of that state, who have
been elected to the Presidency, would have obtained
that proof of the public confidence, had they not
previously filled the Department of State, except
myself, & that my service in another department
contributed more to overcome prejudices against
my election, than that in the Department of State.
It is however not sufficient that this allegation is unfounded.
much effect has been produced by it; so much indeed
that I am inclined to believe that if I nominated anyone
from this quarter including the south & west, which in
relation to such a nomination at this time would be
viewed in the same light I should embody against the
approaching administration principally to defeat the
suspected arrangement for the succession, the whole
of the country north of the Delaware immediately, and
that the rest to the Potomac would be likely to follow it.
My wish is to prevent such a combination, the ill
effect of which would be so sensibly felt on so many
important public interests, among which the just claims,
according to the relative merit of the parties of
persons in this quarter ought not to be disregarded.
With this view I have thought it advisable to select a
person for the Department of State from the Eastern States,
in consequence of which my attention has been turned
to Mr. Adams, who by his age, long experience in our
foreign affairs, and adoption into the republican party
seems to have superior pretentions to any there.
To Mr. Crawford I have intimated my sincere
desire that he will remain where he is.
To Mr. Clay, the Department of War
was offered, which he declined.
It is offered to Governor Shelby, who will be
nominated to it before his answer is received.
Mr. Crowninshield it is understood will
remain in the Navy Department.
I can hardly hope that our southern gentlemen who
have good pretentions will enter fully into this view
of the subject, but having formed my opinion on
great consideration, I shall probably adhere to it.
On our affairs generally I will take some opportunity
soon of writing you, if indeed I cannot make a visit
to our neighborhood, which I have wished & intended.
I beg you to be assured of my constant
and affectionate regard & great respect.1
On 1 March 1817 Monroe wrote in this letter to General Andrew Jackson:
In the course of last summer the President offered
the Department of War to Mr. Clay, who then declined it.
Since it was known that the suffrages of my
fellow citizens had decided in my favor, I renewed
to him the offer, which he has again declined.
My mind was immediately fixed on you, though
I doubt whether I ought to wish to draw you from
the command of the army to the South, where in
case of any emergency, no one could supply your place.
At this moment our friend Mr. Campbell called and
informed me that you wished me not to nominate you.
In this state I have resolved to nominate Governor Shelby,
though it is uncertain whether he will serve.
His experience and long meritorious services
give him a claim over younger men in that State.
I shall take a person for the Department of State
from eastward; and Mr. Adams’ claims by long service
in our diplomatic concerns, appearing to entitle him
to the preference, supported by his acknowledged
abilities and integrity, his nomination will go to the Senate.
Mr. Crawford, it is expected, will remain in the Treasury.
After all that has been said, I have thought that
I should put the Administration more on National
grounds by taking the Secretary of State from the
eastward than from this quarter or the South or West.
By this arrangement there can be no cause to
suspect unfair combination for improper purposes.
Each member will stand on his own merit, and
the people respect us all according to our conduct.
To each I will act impartially, and of each
expect the performance of his duty.
While I am here, I will make the administration:
first for the country and its cause;
secondly to give effect to the government
of the people through me for the term of my
appointment, not for the aggrandizement of anyone.2
The Mississippi Territory was divided in two with the eastern half
becoming the Alabama Territory on March 1.
That day the British Navigation Act limited the importation of produce
from the British West Indies to US ships but allowed British vessels
to export produce from the US to the West Indies.
On his last day as President on March 3 James Madison
vetoed the Bonus Bill in order to uphold Jefferson’s principles.
Yet Madison in November would persuade Monroe
to accept the internal improvements amendment.
In 1817 the population of the United States was nearly nine million,
and an estimated 30,000 immigrants arrived in the U.S. that year.
There were 3,459 post offices and more than 300 newspapers.
On 4 March 1817 in warm weather outdoors on the Capital steps
James Monroe took the oath of office as President
and then delivered this inaugural address to about 8,000 people.
I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply
affected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens
have given me of their confidence in calling me to
the high office whose functions I am about to assume.
As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct
in the public service, I derive from it a gratification
which those who are conscious of having done
all that they could to merit it can alone feel.
My sensibility is increased by a just estimate
of the importance of the trust and of the
nature and extent of its duties with the proper
discharge of which the highest interests of a
great and free people are intimately connected.
Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot enter
on these duties without great anxiety for the result.
From a just responsibility I will never shrink, calculating
with confidence that in my best efforts to promote the
public welfare my motives will always be duly appreciated
and my conduct be viewed with that candor and
indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.
In commencing the duties of the chief executive office
it has been the practice of the distinguished men who
have gone before me to explain the principles which
would govern them in their respective Administrations.
In following their venerated example my attention
is naturally drawn to the great causes which have
contributed in a principal degree to produce the
present happy condition of the United States.
They will best explain the nature of our duties and shed
much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in future.
From the commencement of our Revolution to the
present day almost forty years have elapsed, and
from the establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight.
Through this whole term the Government has been
what may emphatically be called self-government.
And what has been the effect?
To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates
to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause
to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions.
During a period fraught with difficulties and
marked by very extraordinary events the
United States have flourished beyond example.
Their citizens individually have been
happy and the nation prosperous.
Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely
regulated with foreign nations and between the States;
new States have been admitted into our Union;
our territory has been enlarged by fair and honorable
treaty, and with great advantage to the original States;
the States, respectively protected by the National
Government under a mild, parental system against
foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separate spheres
by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the
sovereignty have improved their police, extended their
settlements, and attained a strength and maturity which
are the best proofs of wholesome laws well administered.
And if we look to the condition of individuals
what a proud spectacle does it exhibit!
On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our Union?
Who has been deprived of any right of person or property?
Who restrained from offering his vows in the mode
which he prefers to the Divine Author of his being?
It is well known that all these blessings have been enjoyed
in their fullest extent; and I add with peculiar satisfaction
that there has been no example of a capital punishment
being inflicted on anyone for the crime of high treason.
Some who might admit the competency of our
Government to these beneficent duties might doubt it
in trials which put to the test its strength and efficiency
as a member of the great community of nations.
Here too experience has afforded us the
most satisfactory proof in its favor.
Just as this Constitution was put into action, several
of the principal States of Europe had become much
agitated, and some of them seriously convulsed.
Destructive wars ensued, which
have of late only been terminated.
In the course of these conflicts the United States
received great injury from several of the parties.
It was their interest to stand aloof from the contest,
to demand justice from the party committing
the injury, and to cultivate by a fair and
honorable conduct the friendship of all.
War became at length inevitable, and the result has
shown that our Government is equal to that, the greatest
of trials under the most unfavorable circumstances.
Of the virtue of the people and of the heroic exploits
of the Army, the Navy, and the militia I need not speak.
Such then is the happy Government under which we live—
a Government adequate to every purpose for which the
social compact is formed; a Government elective in all its
branches, under which every citizen may by his merit
obtain the highest trust recognized by the Constitution;
which contains within it no cause of discord, none to put
at variance one portion of the community with another;
a Government which protects every citizen in the
full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect
the nation against injustice from foreign powers.
Other considerations of the highest importance
admonish us to cherish our Union and to
cling to the Government which supports it.
Fortunate as we are in our political institutions,
we have not been less so in other circumstances on
which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend.
Situated within the temperate zone and extending through
many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United
States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every
production incident to that portion of the globe.
Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and
beyond the sources of the great rivers which
communicate through our whole interior,
no country was ever happier with respect to its domain.
Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has
always been very abundant, leaving even in
years the least favorable, a surplus for the
wants of our fellow-men in other countries.
Such is our peculiar felicity that there is not a part of our
Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it.
The great agricultural interest of the
nation prospers under its protection.
Local interests are not less fostered by it.
Our fellow-citizens of the North engaged in navigation
find great encouragement in being made the favored
carriers of the vast productions of the other portions
of the United States, while the inhabitants of these
are amply recompensed in their turn by the nursery
for seamen and naval force thus formed and
reared up for the support of our common rights.
Our manufactures find a generous encouragement
by the policy which patronizes domestic industry,
and the surplus of our produce a steady and profitable
market by local wants in less-favored parts at home.
Such then being the highly favored condition of our
country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it.
What are the dangers which menace us?
If any exist, they ought to be
ascertained and guarded against.
In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may
be asked, What raised us to the present happy state?
How did we accomplish the Revolution?
How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our
Union by infusing into the National Government sufficient
power for national purposes without impairing the just
rights of the States or affecting those of individuals?
How sustain and pass with glory through the late war?
The Government has been in the hands of the people.
To the people therefore and to the faithful and
able depositaries of their trust is the credit due.
Had the people of the United States been educated
in different principles, had they been less intelligent,
less independent, or less virtuous, can it be believed
that we should have maintained the same steady and
consistent career or been blessed with the same success?
While then the constituent body retains its present
sound and healthful state, everything will be safe.
They will choose competent and faithful
representatives for every department.
It is only when the people become ignorant and corrupt,
when they degenerate into a populace, that they
are incapable of exercising the sovereignty.
Usurpation is then an easy attainment
and a usurper soon found.
The people themselves become the willing
instruments of their own debasement and ruin.
Let us then look to the great cause and
endeavor to preserve it in full force.
Let us by all wise and constitutional measures
promote intelligence among the people as
the best means of preserving our liberties.
Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention.
Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States
may be again involved in war, and it may in that event be
the object of the adverse party to overset our Government,
to break our Union, and demolish us as a nation.
Our distance from Europe and the just, moderate,
and pacific policy of our Government may form
some security against these dangers, but they
ought to be anticipated and guarded against.
Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce
and navigation, and all of them are in a certain
degree dependent on their prosperous state.
Many are engaged in the fisheries.
These interests are exposed to invasion in the wars
between other powers, and we should disregard the
faithful admonition of experience if we did not expect it.
We must support our rights or lose our character,
and with it perhaps our liberties.
A people who fail to do it can scarcely be
said to hold a place among independent nations.
National honor is national property of the highest value.
The sentiment in the mind of
every citizen is national strength.
It ought therefore to be cherished.
To secure us against these dangers our coast
and inland frontiers should be fortified, our Army
and Navy regulated upon just principles as to the
force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our
militia be placed on the best practicable footing.
To put our extensive coast in such a state of defense
as to secure our cities and interior from invasion will
be attended with expense, but the work when finished
will be permanent, and it is fair to presume that a
single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior
to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops,
would expose us to greater expense, without taking
into the estimate the loss of property and distress of
our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work.
Our land and naval forces should be moderate,
but adequate to the necessary purposes—the former
to garrison and preserve our fortifications and to meet
the first invasions of a foreign foe, and while constituting
the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science
as well as all the necessary implements of war in a
state to be brought into activity in the event of war;
the latter, retained within the limits proper in a state
of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the
United States with dignity in the wars of other powers
and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation.
In time of war with the enlargement of which the great
naval resources of the country render it susceptible,
and which should be duly fostered in time of peace,
it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary
of defense and as a powerful engine of annoyance,
to diminish the calamities of war and to bring
the war to a speedy and honorable termination.
But it ought always to be held prominently in view that
the safety of these States and of everything dear to a free
people must depend in an eminent degree on the militia.
Invasions may be made too formidable to be resisted
by any land and naval force which it would comport
either with the principles of our Government or
the circumstances of the United States to maintain.
In such cases recourse must be had to the great body
of the people and in a manner to produce the best effect.
It is of the highest importance therefore, that they be so
organized and trained as to be prepared for any emergency.
The arrangement should be such as to put at
the command of the Government the ardent
patriotism and youthful vigor of the country.
If formed on equal and just principles,
it cannot be oppressive.
It is the crisis which makes the pressure,
and not the laws which provide a remedy for it.
This arrangement should be formed too in
time of peace to be the better prepared for war.
With such an organization of such a people the
United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion.
At its approach an overwhelming force of
gallant men might always be put in motion.
Other interests of high importance will claim
attention, among which the improvement of our
country by roads and canals, proceeding always with
a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place.
By thus facilitating the intercourse between the States
we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our
fellow-citizens, much to the ornament of the country, and
what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances,
and by making each part more accessible to and dependent
on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together.
Nature has done so much for us by intersecting
the country with so many great rivers, bays,
and lakes, approaching from distant points
so near to each other, that the inducement to
complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong.
A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than
is exhibited within the limits of the United States—a territory
so vast and advantageously situated, containing objects
so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts!
Our manufacturers will likewise require the
systematic and fostering care of the Government.
Possessing as we do all the raw materials, the fruit of
our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the
degree we have done on supplies from other countries.
While we are thus dependent the sudden event of war.
unsought and unexpected, cannot fail to
plunge us into the most serious difficulties.
It is important too, that the capital which nourishes
our manufacturers should be domestic, as its
influence in that case instead of exhausting, as it may
do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously
on agriculture and every other branch of industry.
Equally important is it to provide at home a market
for our raw materials, as by extending the competition
it will enhance the price and protect the cultivator
against the casualties incident to foreign markets.
With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate
friendly relations and to act with kindness
and liberality in all our transactions.
Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts
to extend to them the advantages of civilization.
The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing
state of the Treasury are a full proof of the competency
of the national resources for any emergency,
as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citizens
to bear the burdens which the public necessities require.
The vast amount of vacant lands, the value
of which daily augments, forms an additional
resource of great extent and duration.
These resources, besides accomplishing every
other necessary purpose, put it completely
in the power of the United States to discharge
the national debt at an early period.
Peace is the best time for improvement and
preparation of every kind; it is in peace that
our commerce flourishes most, that taxes are most
easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive.
The Executive is charged officially in the Departments
under it with the disbursement of the public money,
and is responsible for the faithful application
of it to the purposes for which it is raised.
The Legislature is the watchful
guardian over the public purse.
It is its duty to see that the
disbursement has been honestly made.
To meet the requisite responsibility every facility
should be afforded to the Executive to enable it
to bring the public agents entrusted with the
public money strictly and promptly to account.
Nothing should be presumed against them;
but if, with the requisite facilities, the public money
is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands,
they will not be the only defaulters, nor will
the demoralizing effect be confined to them.
It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the
Administration which will be felt by the whole community.
I shall do all I can to secure economy and fidelity in this
important branch of the Administration, and I doubt not
that the Legislature will perform its duty with equal zeal.
A thorough examination should be
regularly made, and I will promote it.
It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on
the discharge of these duties at a time when
the United States are blessed with peace.
It is a state most consistent with
their prosperity and happiness.
It will be my sincere desire to preserve it so far
as depends on the Executive, on just principles
with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable
of any and rendering to each what is its due.
Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased
harmony of opinion which pervades our Union.
Discord does not belong to our system.
Union is recommended as well by the free
and benign principles of our Government,
extending its blessings to every individual,
as by the other eminent advantages attending it.
The American people have encountered together
great dangers and sustained severe trials with success.
They constitute one great family with a common interest.
Experience has enlightened us on some
questions of essential importance to the country.
The progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection
and a faithful regard to every interest connected with it.
To promote this harmony in accord with the principles
of our republican Government and in a manner to give
them the most complete effect, and to advance in all
other respects the best interests of our Union, will
be the object of my constant and zealous exertions.
Never did a government commence under auspices
so favorable, nor ever was success so complete.
If we look to the history of other nations, ancient
or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid,
so gigantic, of a people so prosperous and happy.
In contemplating what we have still to perform, the heart
of every citizen must expand with joy when he reflects
how near our Government has approached to perfection;
that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to
make; that the great object is to preserve it in the essential
principles and features which characterize it, and that is to
be done by preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds
of the people; and as a security against foreign dangers
to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the
support of our independence, our rights and liberties.
If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced
so far and in the path already traced, we cannot fail,
under the favor of a gracious Providence,
to attain the high destiny which seems to await us.
In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have
preceded me in this high station, with some of whom
I have been connected by the closest ties from early life,
examples are presented which will always be found
highly instructive and useful to their successors.
From these I shall endeavor to derive all
the advantages which they may afford.
Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important
a portion of this great and successful experiment has
been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest
wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirement the
affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted
talents and the most faithful and meritorious service.
Relying on the aid to be derived from the other departments
of the Government, I enter on the trust to which I have
been called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens with my
fervent prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciously
pleased to continue to us that protection which He
has already so conspicuously displayed in our favor.3
Monroe spoke of Republican nationalism in the tradition of Jefferson and Madison,
promising to promote harmony and republican principles.
Congress had raised tariffs to 20% in 1816 to promote American manufacturing,
and he agreed to protect factories, improve roads, and build canals.
The federal post roads were 48,976 miles in 1816
and would increase to 72,496 miles by 1820.
He asked if anyone could deny that no one had been oppressed or deprived of rights,
ignoring the 1.5 million African slaves, Native Americans, and women.
He hoped that political parties would not be needed in a free government.
The US national debt hit a peak in 1816 at $127 million,
but in his two terms Monroe would reduce it to $84 million.
On March 6 President Monroe wrote this short letter to
John Quincy Adams in England offering him the State Department:
Respect for your talents and patriotic services
has induced me to commit to your care with the
sanction of the Senate the Department of State.
I have done this in confidence that it will be
agreeable to you to accept it, which I can
assure you will be very gratifying to me.
I shall communicate your appointment by several
conveyances to multiply the chances of your obtaining
early knowledge of it, that in case you accept it, you
may be enabled to return to the United States and enter
on the duties of the office with the least delay possible.
This letter is delivered to Mr. Cook, a respectable
young man from Kentucky, who is employed
as a special messenger for the purpose.4
Monroe kept on Crawford as Secretary of the Treasury, and Richard Rush
continued as Attorney General and handled the State Department until
John Quincy Adams returned from Europe and took the oath of office on September 22.
The Speaker of the House of Representatives Henry Clay on March 13
accused President Monroe of “irregular and unconstitutional” manners by
expressing his views before legislation was passed.
Clay explained how he thought that legislation was supposed to work:
The Constitutional order of legislation supposes that
every bill originating in one house shall there be
deliberately investigated without influence from any
other branch of the legislature and then remitted to
the other House for a free and unbiased consideration.
Having passed both Houses, it is to be laid before
the President—signed if approved, if disapproved to
be returned with his objections to the originating House.
In this manner entire freedom of thought and action is
secured, and the President finally sees the proposition
in the most matured form which Congress can give to it.
The practical effect, to say no more, of forestalling
the legislative opinion, and telling us what we may or
may not do, will be to deprive the President himself of
the opportunity of considering a proposition so matured
and us the benefit of his reasoning, applied specifically
to such a proposition; for the Constitution further enjoins
upon him to state his objections upon returning the bill.5
Clay also complained that the President
has furnished us with no reasoning,
with no argument in support of his opinions—
nothing addressed to the understanding.
He gives indeed an historical account of the
operations of his own mind, and he asserts that
he has made a laborious effort to conquer his
early impressions, but the result is a settled
conviction against the power without a single reason.6
Congress and the President could not agree whether the Constitution
gave them the power to approve the construction of internal improvements.
William Wirt worked with President Monroe on his 68-page
“Views on the Subject of Internal Improvements”
that was not completed until 1822.7
In 1818 Monroe would approve repairs on the Cumberland Road.
On 15 March 1817 the New York legislature authorized $7 million
to build the Erie Canal from Albany to Buffalo.
Governor De Witt Clinton broke ground for it on July 4, and it was to be
about 500 miles long and the first canal designed by Americans.
By 1816 the U.S. had only 100 miles of canals.
They would raise $8 million from sold land, taxes on salt,
auctions, lotteries, appropriations, and tolls.
On April 7 about 200 slaves attacked whites in St. Mary’s County, Maryland.
Many free blacks had gathered in Philadelphia and other places
to oppose plans to send them back to Africa by the American Colonization Society
which was founded in 1816 by Presbyterian minister Robert Finley,
Henry Clay, and other leaders in Washington.
The naval treaty, negotiated by acting US Secretary of State Richard Rush
and the British Charles Bagot, was signed on April 17,
and it allowed their nations only one warship in each of the Great Lakes.
The Senate would ratify it one year later.
Both sides maintained border forts, and later Canada
and the US cooperated on naval training and construction.
President Monroe wrote this letter to his friend Thomas Jefferson on April 23:
I have to acknowledge three letters from you,
of the 8th, 13th & 15th of this month.
The note in the first of the different kinds of wines to
be procured in France & Italy and of the persons to
be applied to for them, will be of great service to me.
I shall immediately profit of it and shall be very
glad to be able to render you any service by
extending the order to such as you may want,
of which be so good as to inform me.
It would give me sincere pleasure to attend the
meeting of Visitors to be held on the 5th of May
for establishing the site of the central college
in our county, and I will do it, if in my power.
In a few days I will decide the question
and inform you of the result.
Soon after my election to the present office, I determined
to make a tour along our coast & to the westward to enable
me to execute with the greatest advantage the duties
assigned me relative to public defense, as to fortifications
dock yards &c, and to set out about the middle of May.
Arrangements are made for my departure about that time,
and indeed it is the best season for such a journey,
especially as I hope from it much advantage to
my health which is however, now in a good state.
How soon the trip to Albemarle will be practicable; paying
due regard to intermediate duties here forms the difficulty,
which I shall be happy to surmount, if in my power.
To the wishes of the county I have due sensibility
and should be highly gratified to meet
so many friends, as would be present there.
There are no very important duties pressing
here at this time, but you well know, that there
never is a moment, when there is not something
of interest and often of an embarrassing kind.
Such exist now relative to which, if I cannot make
you the visit in contemplation, I will write you soon;
and if I come, I shall have a better
opportunity of communicating in person.
For the interest which you take in my success,
which is always very gratifying & consoling
to me, I am truly thankful.8
Monroe on May 16 wrote this short letter to his friend James Madison:
I enclose you the letter to Mrs. Madison,
which I omitted to take with me on my late visit,
as I intimated to you while at your house.
Mr. Correa came here the day
after I set out on my late trip.
This visit was to counteract the anticipated movements
of the Pernambuco ambassador, whose arrival, he was
taught to expect from accounts received thence.
No such person has yet arrived.
Mr. Correa has nevertheless presented a note
addressed in a strong tone against the Insurgents &c.
He partakes strongly of the anti-revolutionary
feeling on this subject, more so than is strictly
consistent with his liberal & philosophical character.
With the other ministers there is nothing new.9
The new President Monroe toured the northeastern states.
He celebrated July 4 in Boston and traveled as far west as Detroit.
On July 12 the Federalist newspaper Columbian Sentinel
in Boston called it an “era of good feeling.”
From Plattsburg, New York on July 27 Monroe wrote this letter to Jefferson:
I arrived here the day before yesterday on my
way to Sacketts harbor, & thence to the westward,
in completion of the tour, which I advised you,
that I had in contemplation before I left Washington.
I have been Eastward as far as Portland, and
after returning to Dover in New Hampshire,
have come here by Concord & Hanover in that State
& Windsor, Montpelier, & Burlington in Vermont.
Yesterday I visited Rouse’s point within two hundred
yards of the boundary line, where we are engaged in
erecting a work of some importance, as it is supposed
to command the entrance into the lake from Canada.
General Brown met me here.
Tomorrow I proceed with him by Ogdensberg to Sackets
harbor & thence to Detroit unless I should be compelled
on reaching Erie to cling to the southeastern side of
that lake & seek my way home through the state of
Ohio by circumstances I may not be able to control.
When I undertook this tour, I expected to have
executed it, as I might have done in an inferior
station and even as a private citizen, but I found at
Baltimore that it would be impracticable for me to do it.
I had therefore the alternative of either returning home
or complying with the opinion of the public, & immediately
I took the latter course relying on them to put me
forward as fast as possible, which has been done.
I have been exposed to excessive fatigue & labor in
my tour by the pressure of a very crowded population,
which has sought to manifest its respect for
our union & republican institutions in every
step I took, and in modes which made a trial
of my strength as well physically as mentally.
In the principal towns the whole population
has been in motion and in a manner to produce
the greatest degree of excitement possible.
In the Eastern section of our union I have Seen distinctly
that the great cause, which brought the people forward,
was a conviction, that they had suffered in their character
by their conduct in the late war, and a desire to show,
that unfavorable opinions, and as they thought unjust
had been formed in regard to their views and principles.
They seized the opportunity, which the casual incident
of my tour presented to them, of making a strong
exertion to restore themselves to the confidence
and ground which they had formerly held in the
affections of their brethren in other quarters.
I have seen enough to satisfy me that the great mass
of our fellow citizens in the Eastern States are as firmly
attached to the union and to republican government,
as I have always believed or could desire them to be.
In all the towns through which I passed, there was a
union between the parties except in the case of Boston.
I had supposed that that union was particularly
to be desired by the republican party, since as it
would be founded exclusively on their own principles,
everything would be gained by them.
Some of our old and honest friends at Boston
were however, unwilling to amalgamate with their
former opponents, even on our own ground and
in consequence presented an address of their own.
This formed the principal difficulty, that I have had
to meet, to guard against any injury arising from
the step taken to the republican cause, to the
republican party, or the persons individually.
You will have seen this address & my reply
& be enabled to judge of the probable result.
I hope to see you the latter end of next month,
when we will enter into details, which the few minutes I
now enjoy do not admit, however glad I should be to do it.
I most ardently wish to get home to visit my family &
friends & to enjoy in peace some moments of
repose to which I have been an utter stranger,
since I left Washington.10
On 5 October 1817 President Monroe wrote this letter to General Andrew Jackson:
I will now communicate to you without reserve
my sentiments on a subject of great national
importance in which you are particularly interested.
I need not mention that this is a painful office for me to
enter on; among the most painful that could have occurred;
for united as we have been on principle, and connected
in operations, in which you rendered the most important
services to your country, and acquired for yourself an
imperishable fame, nothing could be more distressing to me,
than that a difference of opinion should have arisen
between us on a point involving such serious consequences,
and on which it is my indispensable duty to decide.
In performing this duty my own feelings
will be a sufficient guard against my saying
anything to wound yours intentionally.
An honest difference of opinion daily takes place
between the best friends, and that, that which
you entertain in this instance is founded in
the most upright motives, I sincerely believe.
In expressing my sentiments on this subject, it is
necessary to advert only to the real point in issue.
The causes leading to it are known
to us both and need not be here recited.
Your order of the 22nd of April makes the issue by
prohibiting obedience to any order from the department
of war by the officers of your division or by any officer
who had reported and been assigned to duty in it,
which did not pass through you its commander.
This order involves the naked principle of the
power of the Executive over the officers of the
army in such cases for the department of war
cannot be separated from the President.
It is instituted to convey his orders to the army
and to perform other services under him.
The orders of the department are
therefore the orders of the President.
To this point therefore, I shall confine
my remarks in the first instance.
Whether it is expedient to give orders to an
officer performing service in a division directly
and not through its commander in any case,
and if in any, under what circumstances is a
different question to which I will next attend.
According to my view of the subject, no officer of the
army can rightfully disobey an order from the President.
By the Constitution of the United States the
Executive is a Coordinate branch of the Government
and vested with all the Executive power
delegated by the people to the government.
He is also made Commander in chief of
the army and navy and of the militia when
called into the service of the United States.
By virtue of these powers the President nominates,
and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,
appoints all the officers of the army and navy,
and has power to remove them, when in his
judgment, there shall be good cause for it.
He has the control of the public force; directs its operations
in war and positions in peace; assigns commanders to
the divisions, prescribes the extent of their respective
commands, and designates the troops they are to command.
In short, he is vested with the power and made responsible,
according to the Constitution and laws of the United States
for the wise direction and government of the military
and naval force of the nation both in war and peace.
Under these circumstances I cannot perceive on
what ground an order from the Chief Magistrate
within the limitation stated can be disobeyed.
If the question is examined on military principles,
it appears to me, that all those principles require a short
and prompt obedience to the orders of the Chief Magistrate.
I do not think that any officer of either of
our divisions would disobey an order from its
commander given directly in person or through
an aide or in writing for the reason that it did not
pass through the immediate commander of the post.
I am satisfied that he ought not to disobey it, because
on sound military principles everything appertaining to
the government of the division under the control of the
Executive emanates from the commander of the district.
By the arrangement of the Executive, the commander of
a district and division, is commander in chief thereof and
knows no superior within that limit except the President.
The Commander of another district and division,
though of superior rank has nothing to do
with him nor ought his orders to be obeyed.
In peace when the force is dispersed, and the corps are
cantoned at a distance from each other, as is now the case,
greater authority necessarily devolves on the commander
of each post than he would have, if the whole division
were assembled together under the immediate command
of the commander of the division; nevertheless he is
for all military purposes supposed to be always present
everywhere, and his orders even in the most minute detail,
should he think proper to give them, must be obeyed.
Whatever may be said of the right of a commander
of a district and division to command within his
district and division, applies with full force to the
President as Commander in chief of the army.
In that character he is present everywhere,
and no officer can in my judgment rightfully
disobey his order, provided it be conveyed to him
through the department of war or other proper channel.
In another view the argument is still more conclusive.
The Executive power of the nation is vested in the President.
If any officer of the army can disobey his order for the
reason assigned or for any such reason, the Government
is suspended and put aside, than which I confidently
believe nothing is more remote from your views.
The commander of a district is, it is true, charged with
its defense and has duties to perform connected with it,
which it is highly important that he should execute
in due time; but still he is no further responsible,
than for the faithful application of the means
committed to him for the purpose by the Executive.
The whole means provided by law for the defense
of the union are committed to the Executive,
who is held responsible for a proper application
and direction thereof on that great scale.
He must therefore be the judge how those means are
to be applied and have full power to apply them to such
objects and in such quarters, as he may find expedient.
He must also be the judge of the expediency of augmenting
the force in one quarter and diminishing it in another,
and of transferring officers from one to another station.
Emergencies may occur requiring prompt agency, for which
in the vast extent of our country the opportunity might be
lost, and the calamity inevitable if the Executive could not
apply the force nearest at hand but must send the order
circuitously through the commander of the district.
As to the policy of exercising the power to the full
extent of the right of giving orders invariably to officers
in any division without passing them through the
commander of the division, I am far from advocating it.
In general I think that the practice, should be otherwise,
and be deviated from in cases of urgency only,
of which the department should be the judge.
The reasons which you urge, have in this view great weight,
but yet I cannot think, considering the nature and extent of
our districts, the whole union being divided into two only,
and the remotest parts of each five or 600 miles from the
center, the Head Quarters of its commander, the maritime
frontier liable to attack by a naval force from the ocean,
and the Inland frontier by savages combined with
foreign powers with other possible causes of occasional
disturbance at each extreme and in the intermediate spaces,
that it would be safe to adopt it as an invariable rule.
As a general rule I think that it would be proper,
and that in all cases, when departed from, the
commander of the district should be promptly
advised of it, and a copy of the order sent to him.
These being my opinions, formed on great consideration,
and in conformity to which I must act I hope to hear
from you soon on the subject and shall be much
gratified should you concur with me in them.
I have read with great interest the observations
contained in your letters and particularly in that of the
4th of March last on several very important subjects.
Your report with that of Lt. Gadsden respecting
the fortifications necessary for the defense
of Louisiana will be duly considered.
Your reasons for promoting the rapid settlement of the
Alabama country, the establishment of a foundry on the
Tennessee river near the Muscle Shoals, and for the
extinguishment of the title of the Chickasaws on the
Eastern bank of the Mississippi have great weight.
The view which you have taken of the Indian title
to lands is new but very deserving of attention.
The hunter or savage state requires a greater extent of
territory to sustain it, than is compatible with the progress
and just claims of civilized life and must yield to it.
Nothing is more certain than, if the Indian tribes
do not abandon that state and become civilized,
that they will decline and become extinct.
The hunter state, though maintained by warlike spirits,
presents but a feeble resistance to the more dense,
compact and powerful population of civilized man.
Within our limits, where the Indian title is not extinguished,
our title is good against European powers only, and it is
by treaties with the latter that our limits are formed.
It has been customary to purchase the title of the Indian
tribes for a valuable consideration, though in general
that of each tribe has been vague and undefined.
A compulsory process seems to be necessary to break
their habits and to civilize them, and there is much cause
to believe that it must be resorted to, to preserve them.
On these and every other subject mentioned in your letters
I shall avail myself of the light shed on them by your
experience and judgment on every proper occasion,
and I shall always be happy to promote your wishes
respecting individuals when circumstances will permit it.
I need not state that it is my earnest desire
that you remain in the service of your country.
Our affairs are not settled, and nothing is more
uncertain than the time we shall be permitted
to enjoy our present tranquility and peace.
The Spanish government has injured us, and shows no
disposition to repair the injury; while, the revolutionary
struggle, in the colonies, continues, to which, from a variety
of important considerations, we cannot be indifferent.
Should we be involved in another war, I have no doubt,
that it will decide the fate of our free government,
and of the independence of Spanish America.
I should therefore much lament your retirement.11
Monroe returned to Washington on October 20 and had long sessions with his cabinet.
The US War Department was in such a mess that four men declined to be Secretary of War
until Monroe in October named John C. Calhoun
who led a group of “war hawks” in Congress.
He had made the speech urging a declaration of war
against Britain in 1812 based on a secret text by Monroe.
On October 25 Secretary of State John Quincy Adams noted in a memorandum
that President Monroe asked his Cabinet the following questions:
Has the Executive power to acknowledge the
independence of new States whose independence has not
been acknowledged by the parent country, and between
which parties a war actually exists on that account?
Will the sending or receiving a minister to a new
State under such circumstances be considered
an acknowledgement of its independence?
Is such acknowledgement a justifiable
cause of war to the parent country?
Is it a just cause of complaint to any other power?
Is it expedient for the United States at this time
to acknowledge the independence of Buenos Aires
or of any other part of the Spanish dominions
in America now in a state of revolt.
What ought to be the future conduct of the United States
towards Spain, considering the evasions practiced
by her government in procrastinating negotiations,
amounting to a refusal to make reparation for injuries?
Is it expedient to break up the establishment
at Amelia Island and Galveston, it being evident
that they were made for smuggling, if not for
piratical purposes, and already perverted to
very mischievous purposes to the United States?
Is it expedient to pursue the measure which was decided
in May last, but suspended by circumstances, of sending
a public ship along the Southern coast, particularly that
of the Spanish Colonies, with three citizens of distinguished
abilities and high character to examine the state of those
colonies, the progress of the revolution, and the probability
of its success, and to make a report accordingly?
Is it expedient to publish the communication of the
French Minister of a projected movement of the French
emigrants for the establishment of Joseph Bonaparte
in Mexico, and of the correspondence with him?12
After several long sessions the Cabinet decided to respond to the
activities on Amelia Island which was near the boundary between
Georgia and East Florida by the mouth of St. Mary’s River.
They were to disperse marauding parties on Amelia Island
and take similar action at Galveston.
The Navy was to send the frigate Congress to report on the situation at Buenos Aires.
Adams was against recognizing the government of
Buenos Aires, and Monroe deferred that issue.
The President sent General Edmund Gaines to take over Amelia Island,
and for several months American forces battled hostile tribes on the Florida border
that led up to the attack on the Indian village at Fowlton
on November 23 until the natives retreated to the swamp.
The United States had one soldier killed, and this began the Seminole Wars.
The President made William Wirt the Attorney General on November 13.
In another letter to James Madison on November 24 Monroe wrote,
I have been since my return here so incessantly
engaged in the most interesting business,
that I have not had a moment to say anything to you.
I am now engaged in preparing the message
for Congress, whose meeting is so near at hand,
that I shall, I fear, be badly prepared.
The question respecting canals & roads is full of
difficulty growing out of what has passed on it.
After all the consideration I have given it, I am
fixed in the opinion that the right is not in Congress,
and that it would be improper for me after your
negative to allow them to discuss the subject & bring
a bill for me to sign in the expectation that I would do it.
I have therefore decided to communicate my
opinion in the message & to recommend the
procuring an amendment from the States, so as
to vest the right in Congress in a manner to comprise
in it a power also to institute seminaries of learning.
The period is perhaps favorable to such a course.
The establishments at Amelia Island & Galveston
have done us great injury in smuggling
of every kind, & particularly in introducing
Africans as slaves into the United States.
The southern States have complained also,
of their being made a receptacle for
runaway slaves, particularly the former.
We have resolved to break them up,
for which measures are taken.
Mr. Rodney, Mr. Graham, & Judge Bland
are to go in the Congress along the coast to
Buenos Aires for the purpose known to you.
I have appointed Calhoun Secretary of War
& Mr. Wirt, Attorney General.
The receipts into the Treasury have been very great,
perhaps 20 Millions instead of 12, & Mr. Crawford
is of opinion that I ought to recommend the repeal
of the internal revenues, which I shall probably do.13
On December 2 President Monroe sent copies of his
first annual message to both houses of Congress.
He described the current state of the union and explained various issues and
his policies of neutrality and recognizing independent Latin American republics.
At no period of our political existence had
we so much cause to felicitate ourselves at the
prosperous and happy condition of our country.
The abundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty.
An extensive and profitable commerce
has greatly augmented our revenue.
The public credit has attained an extraordinary elevation.
Our preparations for defense in case of future wars,
from which by the experience of all nations,
we ought not to expect to be exempted,
are advancing under a well-digested system with
all the dispatch which so important a work will admit.
Our free government, founded on the interest and affections
of the people, has gained and is daily gaining strength.
Local jealousies are rapidly yielding to more generous,
enlarged, and enlightened views of national policy.
For advantages so numerous and highly important
it is our duty to unite in grateful acknowledgements
to that Omnipotent Being from whom they are derived,
and in unceasing prayer that He will endow us with
virtue and strength to maintain and hand them
down in their utmost purity to our latest posterity.
I have the satisfaction to inform you that an
arrangement which had been commenced by my
predecessor with the British government for the
reduction of the naval force by Great Britain and the
United States on the lakes has been concluded, by which
it is provided that neither party shall keep in service on
Lake Champlain more than one vessel, on Lake Ontario
more than one, and on Lake Erie and the upper lakes
more than two, to be armed each with one cannon only,
and that all the other armed vessels of both parties,
of which an exact list is interchanged, shall be dismantled.
It is also agreed that the force retained shall be restricted
in its duty to the internal purposes of each party, and that
the arrangement shall remain in force until six months
shall have expired after notice given by one of the
parties to the other of its desire that it should terminate.
By this arrangement useless expense on both sides
and what is of still greater importance, the danger
of collision between armed vessels in those
inland waters, which was great, is prevented.
I have the satisfaction also to state that the
commissioners under the fourth article of the Treaty
of Ghent, to whom it was referred to decide to which
party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy
belonged under the treaty of 1783, have agreed in
a report by which all the islands in the possession of
each party before the late war have been decreed to it.
The commissioners acting under the other articles of
the Treaty of Ghent for the settlement of boundaries
have also been engaged in the discharge of their
respective duties, but have not yet completed them.
The difference which arose between the two
governments under that treaty respecting the right
of the United States to take and cure fish on the coast
of the British provinces north of our limits, which had
been secured by the treaty of 1783, is still in negotiation.
The proposition made by this government to extend
to the colonies of Great Britain the principle of the
convention of London, by which the commerce
between the ports of the United States and British ports
in Europe had been placed on a footing of equality,
has been declined by the British government.
This subject having been thus amicably discussed between
the two governments, and it appearing that the British
government is unwilling to depart from its present
regulations, it remains for Congress to decide whether
they will make any other regulations in consequence thereof
for the protection and improvement of our navigation.
The negotiation with Spain for spoliations on our
commerce and the settlement of boundaries remains
essentially in the state it held by the communications
that were made to Congress by my predecessor.
It has been evidently the policy of the Spanish government
to keep the negotiation suspended, and in this the
United States have acquiesced, from an amicable disposition
toward Spain and in the expectation that her government
would from a sense of justice finally accede to such an
arrangement as would be equal between the parties.
A disposition has been lately shown by the Spanish
government to move in the negotiation, which
has been met by this government, and should the
conciliatory and friendly policy which has invariably
guided our councils be reciprocated, a just and
satisfactory arrangement may be expected.
It is proper, however, to remark that no proposition has
yet been made from which such a result can be presumed.
It was anticipated at an early stage that the
contest between Spain and the colonies would
become highly interesting to the United States.
It was natural that our citizens should sympathize
in events which affected their neighbors.
It seemed probable also that the prosecution of the
conflict along our coast and in contiguous countries
would occasionally interrupt our commerce and
otherwise affect the persons and property of our citizens.
These anticipations have been realized.
Such injuries have been received from persons
acting under authority of both the parties, and for
which redress has in most instances been withheld.
Through every stage of the conflict the United States
have maintained an impartial neutrality, giving aid to neither
of the parties in men, money, ships, or munitions of war.
They have regarded the contest not in the light
of an ordinary insurrection or rebellion,
but as a civil war between parties nearly equal,
having as to neutral powers equal rights.
Our ports have been open to both, and every article the
fruit of our soil or of the industry of our citizens which either
was permitted to take has been equally free to the other.
Should the colonies establish their independence, it is proper
now to state that this government neither seeks nor would
accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise
which will not be equally open to all other nations.
The colonies will in that event become independent
states, free from any obligation to or connection
with us which it may not then be their interest
to form on the basis of a fair reciprocity.
In the summer of the present year an expedition
was set on foot against East Florida by persons claiming
to act under the authority of some of the colonies, who
took possession of Amelia Island at the mouth of the
St. Mary’s River near the boundary of the State of Georgia.
As this Province lies eastward of the Mississippi and is
bounded by the United States and the ocean on every side,
and has been a subject of negotiation with the government
of Spain as an indemnity for losses by spoliation
or in exchange for territory of equal value westward
of the Mississippi, a fact well known to the world,
it excited surprise that any countenance should
be given to this measure by any of the colonies.
As it would be difficult to reconcile it with the
friendly relations existing between the United States
and the colonies, a doubt was entertained whether
it had been authorized by them or any of them.
This doubt has gained strength by the circumstances
which have unfolded themselves in the prosecution
of the enterprise, which have marked it
as a mere private, unauthorized adventure.
Projected and commenced with an incompetent force,
reliance seems to have been placed on what might be
drawn in defiance of our laws from within our limits;
and of late, as their resources have failed, it has assumed
a more marked character of unfriendliness to us, the
island being made a channel for the illicit introduction
of slaves from Africa into the United States, an
asylum for fugitive slaves from the neighboring
states, and a port for smuggling of every kind.
A similar establishment was made at an earlier period
by persons of the same description in the Gulf of Mexico at a
place called Galveston within the limits of the United States,
as we contend under the cession of Louisiana.
This enterprise has been marked in a more signal
manner by all the objectionable circumstances
which characterized the other, and more particularly
by the equipment of privateers which have
annoyed our commerce and by smuggling.
These establishments, if ever sanctioned by any
authority whatever, which is not believed, have abused
their trust and forfeited all claim to consideration.
A just regard for the rights and interests of the
United States required that they should be suppressed,
and orders have been accordingly issued to that effect.
The imperious considerations which produced
this measure will be explained to the parties
whom it may in any degree concern.
To obtain correct information on every subject in which
the United States are interested; to inspire just sentiments
in all persons in authority on either side of our friendly
disposition so far as it may comport with an impartial
neutrality, and to secure proper respect to our commerce
in every port and from every flag, it has been thought
proper to send a ship of war with three distinguished
citizens along the southern coast with these purposes.
With the existing authorities, with those in the
possession of and exercising the sovereignty,
must the communication be held; from them alone
can redress for past injuries committed by persons
acting under them be obtained; by them alone can
the commission of the like in future be prevented.
Our relations with the other powers of Europe have
experienced no essential change since the last session.
In our intercourse with each due attention continues
to be paid to the protection of our commerce and to
every other object in which the United States are interested.
A strong hope is entertained that by adhering to the maxims
of a just, a candid, and friendly policy, we may long
preserve amicable relations with all the powers of Europe
on conditions advantageous and honorable to our country.
With the Barbary states and the Indian tribes
our pacific relations have been preserved.
In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our
country the view which they exhibit is peculiarly gratifying.
The payments which have been made into the Treasury
show the very productive state of the public revenue.
After satisfying the appropriations made by law for the
support of the civil government and of the military and
naval establishments, embracing suitable provision for
fortifications and for the gradual increase of the Navy,
paying the interest of the public debt, and extinguishing
more than $18 million of the principal within the present
year, it is estimated that a balance of more than $6 million
will remain in the Treasury on the first day of January
applicable to the current service of the ensuing year.
The payments into the Treasury during the year 1818
on account of imposts and tonnage, resulting principally
from duties which have accrued in the present year,
may be fairly estimated at $20 million; the internal
revenues at $2.5 million; the public lands at $1.5 million;
bank dividends and incidental receipts at $500,000;
making in the whole $24.5 million.
The annual permanent expenditure for the support
of the civil government and of the Army and Navy,
as now established by law amounts to $11.8 million,
and for the sinking fund to $10 million, making in the
whole $21.8 million, leaving an annual excess of
revenue beyond the expenditure of $2.7 million,
exclusive of the balance estimated to be in the
Treasury on the first day of January, 1818.
In the present state of the Treasury the whole of the
Louisiana debt may be redeemed in the year 1819,
after which, if the public debt continues as it now is,
above par, there will be annually about $5 million
of the sinking fund unexpended until the year 1825,
when the loan of 1812 and the stock created
by funding Treasury notes will be redeemable.
It is also estimated that the Mississippi stock will be
discharged during the year 1819 from the proceeds of
the public lands assigned to that object, after which the
receipts from those lands will annually add to the public
revenue the sum of $1.5 million, making the permanent
annual revenue amount to $26 million, and leaving an
annual excess of revenue after the year 1819 beyond the
permanent authorized expenditure of more than $4 million.
By the last returns to the Department of War the militia
force of the several states may be estimated at 800,000
men—infantry, artillery, and cavalry.
Great part of this force is armed, and
measures are taken to arm the whole.
An improvement in the organization and discipline
of the militia is one of the great objects which
claims the unremitted attention of Congress.
The regular force amounts nearly to the
number required by law and is stationed
along the Atlantic and inland frontiers.
Of the naval force it has been necessary
to maintain strong squadrons in the
Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico.
From several of the Indian tribes inhabiting the country
bordering on Lake Erie purchases have been made of
lands on conditions very favorable to the United States,
and, as it is presumed, not less so to the tribes themselves.
By these purchases the Indian title with moderate
reservations has been extinguished to the whole of the
land within the limits of the state of Ohio and to a part of
that in the Michigan Territory and of the state of Indiana.
From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased in
the state of Georgia and an arrangement made by which,
in exchange for lands beyond the Mississippi,
a great part, if not the whole of the land belonging
to that tribe eastward of that river in the states
of North Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee, and
in the Alabama Territory will soon be acquired.
By these acquisitions and others that may reasonably
be expected soon to follow, we shall be enabled to extend
our settlements from the inhabited parts of the state of
Ohio along Lake Erie into the Michigan Territory, and
to connect our settlements by degrees through the state
of Indiana and the Illinois Territory to that of Missouri.
A similar and equally advantageous effect will soon
be produced to the south, through the whole extent
of the states and territory which border on the
waters emptying into the Mississippi and the Mobile.
In this progress, which the rights of nature demand and
nothing can prevent marking a growth rapid and gigantic,
it is our duty to make new efforts for the preservation,
improvement, and civilization of the native inhabitants.
The hunter state can exist only
in the vast uncultivated desert.
It yields to the more dense and compact form and greater
force of civilized population; and of right it ought to yield,
for the earth was given to mankind to support the
greatest number of which it is capable, and no tribe or
people have a right to withhold from the wants of others
more than is necessary for their own support and comfort.
It is gratifying to know that the reservations of land
made by the treaties with the tribes on Lake Erie were
made with a view to individual ownership among them
and to the cultivation of the soil by all, and that an annual
stipend has been pledged to supply their other wants.
It will merit the consideration of Congress whether
other provision not stipulated by treaty ought to be
made for these tribes and for the advancement of the
liberal and humane policy of the United States toward
all the tribes within our limits, and more particularly
for their improvement in the arts of civilized life.
Among the advantages incident to these purchases,
and to those which have preceded, the security
which may thereby be afforded to our
inland frontiers is peculiarly important.
With a strong barrier, consisting of our own people,
thus planted on the Lakes, the Mississippi, and the
Mobile, with the protection to be derived from the
regular force, Indian hostilities, if they do not
altogether cease, will henceforth lose their terror.
Fortifications in those quarters to any extent
will not be necessary, and the expense
of attending them may be saved.
A people accustomed to the use of firearms only,
as the Indian tribes are, will shun even
moderate works which are defended by cannon.
Great fortifications will therefore be requisite
only in future along the coast and at some
points in the interior connected with it.
On these will the safety of our towns and
the commerce of our great rivers from
the Bay of Fundy to the Mississippi depend.
On these therefore should the utmost
attention, skill, and labor be bestowed.
A considerable and rapid augmentation in the
value of all the public lands, proceeding from these,
and other obvious cases may henceforward be expected.
The difficulties attending early emigrations will
be dissipated even in the most remote parts.
Several new states have been admitted into our
Union to the west and south, and territorial
governments happily organized, established over
every other portion in which there is vacant land for sale.
In terminating Indian hostilities, as must soon be done,
in a formidable shape at least, the emigration,
which has heretofore been great, will probably
increase, and the demand for land and the
augmentation in its value be in like proportion.
The great increase of our population throughout the union
will alone produce an important effect, and in no quarter
will it be so sensibly felt as in those in contemplation.
The public lands are a public stock, which ought to
be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation.
The nation should therefore derive the profit
proceeding from the continual rise in their value.
Every encouragement should be given to the emigrants
consistent with a fair competition between them,
but that competition should operate in the first sale
to the advantage of the nation rather than of individuals.
Great capitalists will derive the benefit incident to their
superior wealth under any mode of sale which may be
adopted, but if, looking forward to the rise in the value
of the public lands, they should have the opportunity
of amassing at a low price vast bodies in their hands,
the profit will accrue to them and not to the public.
They would also have the power in that degree to
control the emigration and settlement in such a manner
as their opinion of their respective interests might dictate.
I submit this subject to the consideration of Congress,
that such further provision may be made in the sale
of the public lands with a view to the public interest,
should any be deemed expedient, as in their
judgment may be best adapted to the object.
When we consider the vast extent of territory within the
United States, the great amount and value of its productions,
the connection of its parts, and other circumstances on
which their prosperity and happiness depend, we cannot
fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived
from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse
between them by means of good roads and canals.
Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal
inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever
were consequences of such magnitude involved in them.
As this subject was acted on by Congress at the last session,
and there may be a disposition to revive it at the present,
I have brought it into view for the purpose of communicating
my sentiments on a very important circumstance connected
with it with that freedom and candor which a regard for the
public interest and a proper respect for Congress require.
A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation
of our Constitution to the present time among our most
enlightened and virtuous citizens respecting the right of
Congress to establish such a system of improvement.
Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored,
it would be improper after what has passed that
this discussion should be revived with an
uncertainty of my opinion respecting the right.
Disregarding early impressions I have bestowed
on the subject all the deliberation which its great
importance and a just sense of my duty required,
and the result is a settled conviction in my mind
that Congress do not possess the right.
It is not contained in any of the specified powers granted to
Congress, nor can I consider it incidental to or a necessary
means, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into
effect any of the powers which are specifically granted.
In communicating this result I cannot resist
the obligation which I feel to suggest to Congress
the propriety of recommending to the states
the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution
which shall give to Congress the right in question.
In cases of doubtful construction, especially of such
vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our
institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them to
apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of the power.
We may confidently rely that if it appears
to their satisfaction that the power is necessary,
it will always be granted.
In this case I am happy to observe that experience
has afforded the most ample proof of its utility, and that
the benign spirit of conciliation and harmony which now
manifests itself throughout our Union promises to such
a recommendation the most prompt and favorable result.
I think proper to suggest also, in case this measure is
adopted, that it be recommended to the states to include
in the amendment sought a right in Congress to institute
likewise seminaries of learning, for the all-important
purpose of diffusing knowledge among our
fellow citizens throughout the United States.
Our manufactories will require
the continued attention of Congress.
The capital employed in them is considerable, and
the knowledge acquired in the machinery and fabric
of all the most useful manufactures is of great value.
Their preservation, which depends on due encouragement,
is connected with the high interests of the nation.
Although the progress of the public buildings has been
as favorable as circumstances have permitted, it is to be
regretted that the Capitol is not yet in a state to receive you.
There is good cause to presume that the two wings,
the only parts as yet commenced, will be prepared
for that purpose at the next session.
The time seems now to have arrived when this
subject may be deemed worthy the attention of
Congress on a scale adequate to national purposes.
The completion of the middle building will be necessary
to the convenient accommodation of Congress,
of the committees, and various offices belonging to it.
It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether
insufficient for the accommodation of the several executive
departments, some of whom are much crowded and even
subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in private buildings
at some distance from the head of the department, and with
inconvenience to the management of the public business.
Most nations have taken an interest and a pride
in the improvement and ornament of their metropolis,
and none were more conspicuous
in that respect than the ancient republics.
The policy which dictated the establishment of a
permanent residence for the national government
and the spirit in which it was commenced and has
been prosecuted show that such improvement
was thought worthy the attention of this nation.
Its central position, between the northern and
southern extremes of our union, and its approach
to the west at the head of a great navigable river
which interlocks with the Western waters, prove
the wisdom of the councils which established it.
Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper
than that convenient accommodation should be
provided on a well-digested plan for the heads of the
several departments and for the Attorney General,
and it is believed that the public ground in the city
applied to these objects will be found amply sufficient.
I submit this subject to the consideration of Congress,
that such further provision may be
made in it as to them may seem proper.
It is contemplating the happy situation of
the United States, our attention is drawn with
peculiar interest to the surviving officers and
soldiers of our Revolutionary army, who so eminently
contributed by their services to lay its foundation.
Most of those very meritorious citizens have
paid the debt of nature and gone to repose.
It is believed that among the survivors there are
some not provided for by existing laws, who are
reduced to indigence and even to real distress.
These man have a claim on the gratitude of their country,
and it will do honor to their country to provide for them.
The lapse of a few years more and the opportunity
will be forever lost; indeed, so long already has
been the interval that the number to be benefitted
by any provision which may be made will not be great.
It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue
arising from imposts and tonnage and from the sale of
the public lands will be fully adequate to the support
of the civil government, of the present military and
naval establishments, including the annual augmentation
of the latter to the extent provided for, to the
payment of the interest of the public debt, and
to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized,
without the aid of the internal taxes, I consider it
my duty to recommend to Congress their repeal.
To impose taxes when the public exigencies
require them is an obligation of the most sacred
character, especially with a free people.
The faithful fulfillment of it is among the highest
proofs of their value and capacity for self-government.
To dispense with taxes when it may be done with
perfect safety is equally the duty of their representatives.
In this instance we have the satisfaction to know that
they were imposed when the demand was imperious,
and have been sustained with exemplary fidelity.
I have to add that however gratifying it may be
to me regarding the prosperous and happy condition
of our country to recommend the repeal of these
taxes at this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive
to events, and should any future emergency occur,
be not less prompt to suggest such measures
and burdens as may then be requisite and proper.14
On 10 December 1817 Mississippi became the 20th state and the 10th slave state.
Monroe sent General Andrew Jackson from Tennessee to Fort Scott in Georgia
and later ordered him not to attack Spanish troops.
President Monroe on December 22 wrote this letter to James Madison:
You know so much of the nature of the pressure to
which I am subjected at this time, that you will excuse
my not giving an earlier answer to your letter of the 9th.
The documents relating to Galveston & Amelia Island,
published in this day’s paper will reach you with this.
They show the reasons which operated with the
Executive in taking the measure noticed in your letter.
They appeared to be conclusive, as being mere piratical
establishments, probably unauthorized by any of the
Colonies, but forfeiting all claim to consideration by
their conduct, if authorized, & that in putting them down,
especially if disavowed by the Colonies, we should
advance their cause in the opinion of the civilized world.
It is hoped that the object will be
attained without the use of force.
Orders to that effect are given, the resort to
force being authorized in case of necessity only.
The history of our settlements from the first discovery
of this country is a practical illustration of the doctrine
contained in the message respecting Indian titles,
and I think that it is supported by natural law.
My candid opinion is that the more we act on it,
taking the Indians under our protection, compelling
them to cultivate the earth, the better it will be for them.
I think with you, that the Judiciary should be
arranged in the manner suggested in your message,
& that a new department should be instituted
& should have stated it, but was advised not
to load the message with too many subjects.
I am disposed to do what I can to promote both objects.
I shall see what is done in the progress of the session
& how far a special interference may be useful.
The subject of an amendment to the Constitution,
as brought before Congress in the message
is opposed by a report from Mr. Tucker,
which I have not yet read but shall today.
I understand that it criticizes with severity the doctrine
contained in the message & endeavors to invalidate it
by the measures already sanctioned by Mr. Jefferson,
yourself, & in part by me in ordering a fatigue party
to improve the road between Plattsburg & Hamilton.
Be so good as give me in detail the reasons which justify the
Cumberland road which presents the greatest difficulty.15
James Monroe was supporting Jefferson’s project to develop a national university,
and in this letter to him on December 23 he wrote,
Some days elapsed after the receipt of your letter
of the 13 before I could fulfill the injunction of affording
Mr. Mercer an opportunity of perusing, or it would
have been returned immediately with my signature.
I had nothing to alter in or to add to it.
I hope and think that it will succeed in placing the
university where it ought to be; & that by means
of that institution the character of the state for
distinguished mental acquirement in its citizens will be
maintained in the high rank it has heretofore sustained.
The affair with General Jackson is not terminated;
it is however probable that it will be on just principles
& retain him in service: that of Amelia Island & Galveston
is also still a cause of concern, though the probability
is that the public mind will discriminate between a banditti
formed of adventurers of all nations except the Spanish
Colonies, planned in our own country, & resting for
support on presumed impurity within us, & the cause
of the colonies themselves to which we all wish success.
It is also probable that the Colonies will disavow them.
The agent of Buenos Aires has done it.
The allied powers, that is, Great Britain & France
(though the latter has not been so explicit) have
intimated a desire to arbitrate our differences
with Spain on the ground of making the Mississippi
the boundary, whence it is inferred that if we pushed
a quarrel with Spain, they would interpose against us.
Russia stands aloof.16
On December 16 Secretary John C. Calhoun and the US War Department
ordered General Gaines to cross into Florida and make a report,
and a similar order was also sent to General Andrew Jackson.
President Monroe sent to Jackson,
an order to repair to the command of the troops acting
against the Seminoles, a tribe which has long violated
our rights and insulted our national character.
The movement will bring you on a theatre where possibly
you may have other service to perform, depending on the
conduct of the banditti at Amelia Island and Galveston.
This is not a time for you think of repose.17
He called back his Tennessee troops who had fought at New Orleans,
and by January 1818 he had about a thousand men.
In April they followed Indians and took over St. Marks.
Two British officers, Arbuthnot and Ambrister,
were tried for inciting the natives and were executed.
Jackson repeated his previous capture of Pensacola on May 28.
Spain’s Ambassador Luis Onís sent a protest of this to Washington on June 25.
On the first day of 1818 President Monroe and his wife Elizabeth opened
the newly
painted President’s House for a reception, and visitors began calling it the “White House.”
United States exports to Europe increased to $74 million
in 1818 when imports reached $102 million.
As European agriculture recovered,
falling prices reduced American profits from speculation.
Early in 1818 the United States Bank realized that they had overextended loans,
and then suddenly restricting loans depressed the economy.
By 1818 the United States had 392 banks,
and they could not collect many debts during the depression.
Philadelphia had thirty businesses in 1816 that employed 9,672 people,
but by 1818 they had laid off 7,500.
In July the US Bank had $22,372,000 in liabilities to only $2,357,000 in its specie fund,
double the statutory limit of the ratio.
Land values fell between 50% and 75%.
The debt to the US Government for public lands which had been only $3 million in 1815
grew to $17 million in 1818 and $22 million in 1819.
In 1818 the federal budget of $25.5 million spent $9 million on the War Department,
though Calhoun managed to reduce the expense
for each enlisted man from $451 per year to $299.
Monroe was glad to have $800,000 for constructing fortifications; but the House
wanted to reduce the army from 7,421 men to 5,000, and they cut that spending
on fortifications to $320,000 and funds for Indian affairs in half.
John Adams on February 13 sent his essay “On the Meaning of the
American Revolution” to Hezekiah Niles who edited the Weekly Register.
Adams made the significant observation that the American Revolution occurred
peacefully in the hearts and minds of the people with little violence for ten years
before the war for independence began in April 1775.
He believed that early period was “the real American Revolution.”
He urged the study of how this mental transformation occurred,
and Niles would gather
research and publish his Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America in 1822.
Henry Clay of Kentucky had served as Speaker of the House
from March 1811 to January 1814 and then from March 1815 to October 1820.
He believed that the United States Congress
had the power to finance public improvements,
and on 13 March 1818 he made a speech arguing that it is constitutional;
but the House defeated his appropriation bill 45-115.
He believed in a “liberal construction” of the United States Constitution
for commerce including roads and whatever preserves the Union.
The Speaker appointed all the committees and their chairmen, and Clay followed
national concerns and made sure all interests and regions were represented.
On March 25 President Monroe sent this message to the
United States Congress to justify the war against the Seminoles:
I now lay before Congress all the information in the
possession of the Executive respecting the war with the
Seminoles, and the measures which it has been thought
proper to adopt for the safety of our fellow-citizens
on the frontier exposed to their ravages.
The enclosed documents show that the hostilities of this
tribe were unprovoked, the offspring of a spirit long
cherished and often manifested toward the United States,
and that in the present instance it was extending itself to
other tribes and daily assuming a more serious aspect.
As soon as the nature and object of this combination were
perceived the major-general commanding the Southern
division of the troops of the United States was ordered to
the theater of action, charged with the management of the
war and vested with the powers necessary to give it effect.
The season of the year being unfavorable to active
operations, and the recesses of the country affording
shelter to these savages in case of retreat, may
prevent a prompt termination of the war; but it may
be fairly presumed that it will not be long before this
tribe and its associates receive the punishment
which they have provoked and justly merited.
As almost the whole of this tribe inhabits the
country within the limits of Florida, Spain was
bound by the treaty of 1795 to restrain them
from committing hostilities against the United States.
We have seen with regret that her Government has
altogether failed to fulfill this obligation, nor are
we aware that it made any effort to that effect.
When we consider her utter inability to check, even in
the slightest degree, the movements of this tribe by
her very small and incompetent force in Florida, we are
not disposed to ascribe the failure to any other cause.
The inability however of Spain to maintain her authority
over the territory and Indians within her limits,
and in consequence to fulfill the treaty, ought not
to expose the United States to other and greater injuries.
When the authority of Spain ceases to exist there,
the United States have a right to pursue their
enemy on a principle of self-defense.
In this instance the right is more complete and
obvious because we shall perform only what
Spain was bound to have performed herself.
To the high obligations and privileges of this
great and sacred right of self-defense will
the movement of our troops be strictly confined.
Orders have been given to the general in command
not to enter Florida unless it be in pursuit of the enemy,
and in that case to respect the Spanish authority
wherever it is maintained; and he will be instructed to
withdraw his forces from the Province as soon as he shall
have reduced that tribe to order, and secure our fellow
citizens in that quarter by satisfactory arrangements
against its unprovoked and savage hostilities in future.18
Also on March 25 Monroe asked the Congress to recognize the Latin American nations
as they became independent of Spain, especially the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata
for which he wanted money for an expedition to Buenos Aires;
but the House defeated that funding 43-113.
Speaker Henry Clay noted that most of the Latin American republics
were ahead of the U.S. in emancipating slaves.
His speeches were translated into Spanish and read to armies in Latin American republics.
Also in March 1818 the U.S. Congress approved
pensions for Revolutionary War veterans.
On April 18 Congress passed a law closing U.S. ports to
British ships coming from colonies closed to U.S. vessels.
British tonnage arriving in U.S. ports would decrease
from 174,935 in 1817 to 36,333 in 1819.
The Rush-Bagot disarmament treaty ratified by the U.S. Senate on April 18 made
the long border between Canada and the U.S. unfortified and declared the Great Lakes
neutral and limited the United States and British navies there
to three vessels each plus one on Lake Champlain.
Kentucky had incorporated 40 banks in 1817, and in the spring of 1818
bankers were extending credit and taking on debt, creating paper assets.
On March 30 Secretary of State John Quincy Adams wrote this in his Memoirs:
The President sent to the office to ask me to
call upon him as I returned home, which I did.
It was to consult with me upon instructions to be
given to Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Rush, and Mr. Erving
in relation to Spanish and South American affairs.
He had at first inclined to accept the proposal, if it should
be made to us by the European powers, of joining in the
proposed mediation between Spain and her Colonies.
But now he thinks we ought to decline taking any part in it,
as our interest is to promote the total independence
of the Colonies, while the basis of the mediation is a
compromise between the claim of Spain to govern
and the claim of the South Americans to independence.
He desired me to make a draft of instructions to
Mr. Gallatin to be considered in a Cabinet meeting.19
After Congress adjourned on April 20, Monroe went on a tour of the southern states,
then west to St. Louis, and returning through Kentucky.
President Monroe wrote this letter to James Madison on April 28:
The late session, considering the flourishing & happy
condition of the country, has been unusually oppressive
on every branch of the Executive department.
There have been more calls for information, than
I recollect to have been made at any former session,
and in some instances, with a portion of the
House of Representatives a very querulous
spirit has been manifested.
The questions involving the right in Congress to make
roads & canals, & the policy of the Executive respecting
South America, produced the greatest difficulty.
They were those from which the opposition
expected to make the greatest impression, but
happily the result did not correspond with their views.
We have lately obtained from Madrid by Mr. Erving,
a copy of the instructions of the Emperor at Moscow to his
ministers at the allied courts designating the manner in
which he wishes the dispute between Portugal & Spain
to be settled, & with their concert afterwards with the
other allies, that existing between Spain & her Colonies.
Portugal must give up the territory she has occupied,
& the Colonies be restored to Spain on the footing
of the proposed mediation of Great Britain of a
free trade with something like Colonial governments.
The accord of the allies on the latter point to be published
to produce a moral effect on the Colonies with an intimation
of the application of force, should it be necessary.
Our Commissioners touched at Rio Janeiro on their
passage to Buenos Aires and threw the diplomatic corps,
& the court itself into some degree of alarm,
reports having circulated that the mission was
to announce to Pueridon, that the Independence
of those provinces was to be recognized.
Mr. Sumter thinks that our movements
will be watched by all the allies.
The officers of the frigates & the Commissioners
saw few in authority & were coolly received by them.
This experiment so far shows that if a step involving no
very serious consequences is viewed with such unfavorable
eyes, in what light one of a bolder character would be seen.
I have no doubt that it will produce
a strong sensation among all the allies.19
After leaving the presidency in 1817 Madison agreed to be president of the
Agricultural Society in Albemarle, Virginia in order to promote improvements in farming.
He addressed the Society on 12 May 1818 and offered various criticisms
of current practices including where and how to plant,
not to neglect using manures and irrigation, and warning against having
too many cattle and the excessive destruction of timber.
After Jackson’s forces occupied part of Florida, on May 13 Monroe
decided to let the Americans stay there until Spain had garrisons.
On July 4 the flag of the United States was redesigned with 13 stripes and 20 stars.
Monroe wrote this letter to Madison on July 10:
In truth besides the motive for delay, to avail myself
of the aid of the heads of departments, in regard to
General Jackson’s report of his proceedings in Florida,
on the reply to be given to the Spanish minister,
& instructions to Mr. Erving, there were others,
particularly the daily expected return of our Commissioners
from Buenos Aires & the instructions to Mr. Rush relative
to the formation of a new commercial treaty with England,
which required my presence in this quarter.
General Jackson’s report is received in
consequence of which I shall return to
Washington on Monday next the 13th.
He imputes the whole cause of the Seminole war
to the interference & excitement by the Spanish
authorities in the Floridas of the Indians, together
with that of foreign adventurers, imposing themselves,
on those people for the agents of foreign powers.
I have no doubt that his opinion is correct,
though he has not made his case as strong
as I am satisfied he might have done.
There are serious difficulties in this business,
on whichever side we view it.
The motive for pressing Spain in the present state of affairs,
having the Mississippi, Floridas, &c, founded on the
interest of the country is not urgent, but the sense of
injury from her & of insult, together with the desire
of aiding the Colonies by pressing her strong.
Our commissioners have left Buenos Ayres
on their return home, that is Mr. Rodney & Graham,
Mr. Bland having taken a trip to Chili.
We have no intelligence from them, of interest.
From Mr. Prevost at Val Paraiso we have letters,
very satisfactory as to his reception &
effect of the Ontario in that sea.
His account of the victory of the patriots
represents the royal army as destroyed.20
On July 15 Secretary of State Adams urged Monroe to purchase Florida from Spain.
President Monroe wrote a fairly long letter to General Andrew Jackson on July 19.
He warned that attacking Pensacola again could have bad consequences and wrote,
In calling you into active service against the Seminoles,
and communicating to you the orders which had
been given just before to General Gaines,
the views and intentions of the Government were
fully disclosed in respect to the operations in Florida.
In transcending the limit prescribed by those orders
you acted on your own responsibility on facts and
circumstances which were unknown to the Government
when the orders were given, many of which indeed
occurred afterward, and which you thought imposed
on you the measure as an act of patriotism essential
to the honor and interests of your country.
The United States stand justified in ordering
their troops into Florida in pursuit of their enemy.
They have this right by the law of nations
if the Seminoles were inhabitants of another
country and had entered Florida to elude pursuit.
Being inhabitants of Florida with a sovereignty over that
part of the territory and a right to the soil, our right to give
such an order is the most complete and unquestionable.
It is not an act of hostility to Spain.
It is the less so because her government is bound by
treaty to restrain by force of arms if necessary the Indians
there from committing hostilities against the United States.
But an order by the government to attack a
Spanish post would assume another character.
It would authorize war to which by the principles
of our Constitution, the Executive is incompetent.
Congress alone possesses the power.
I am aware that cases may occur where the commanding
general, acting on his own responsibility may with safety
pass this limit and with essential advantage to his country.
The officers and troops of the neutral power forget the
obligations incident to their neutral character; they stimulate
the enemy to make war; they furnish them with arms and
munitions of war to carry it on; they take an active part in
their favor; they afford them an asylum in their retreat.
The general obtaining victory pursues them to their post,
the gates of which are shut against him; he attacks and
carries it and rests on those acts for his justification.
The affair is then brought before his government by the
power whose post has been thus attacked and carried.
If the government whose officer made the attack had
given an order for it, the officer would have no merit in it.
He exercised no discretion,
nor did he act on his own responsibility.
The merit of the service,
if there be any in it, would not be his.
This is the ground on which the occurrence rests,
as to his part.
I will now look to the future….
If the Executive refused to evacuate the posts,
especially Pensacola, it would amount to a
declaration of war to which it is incompetent.
It would be accused of usurping the authority of Congress
and giving a deep and fatal wound to the Constitution.
By charging the offense on the officers of Spain,
we take the ground which you have presented,
and we look to you to support it.
You must aid in procuring the documents
necessary for this purpose.
Those which you sent by Mr. Hambly were
prepared in too much haste and do not,
I am satisfied, do justice to the cause.
This must be attended to without delay.
Should we hold the posts, it is impossible to
calculate all the consequences likely to result from it.
It is not improbable that war would immediately follow.
Spain would be stimulated to declare it; and once declared,
the adventurers of Britain and other countries would
under the Spanish flag privateer on our commerce.
The immense revenue which we now receive
would be much diminished, as would be
the profits of our valuable productions.
The war would probably soon become general;
and we do not foresee that we should have
a single power in Europe on our side.
Why risk these consequences?
The events which have occurred in both the Floridas
show the incompetency of Spain to maintain her authority;
and the progress of the revolutions in South America
will require all her forces there.
There is much reason to presume that this act
will furnish a strong inducement to Spain
to cede the territory, provided we do not
wound too deeply her pride by holding it.
If we hold the posts, her government cannot
treat with honor, which by withdrawing the troops
we afford her an opportunity to do.
The manner in which we propose to act will
exculpate you from censure and promises to
obtain all the advantages which you contemplated
from the measure and possibly very soon.
From a different course no advantage would
be likely to result, and there would be great
danger of extensive and serious injuries.
I shall communicate to you, in the confidence in which
I write this letter, a copy of the answer which will be
given to the Spanish Minister, that you may see
distinctly the ground on which we rest in the expectation
that you will give it all the support in your power.
The answer will be drawn on a view and with
attention to the general interests of our country
and its relations with other powers….
If we engage in a war, it is of the greatest
importance that our people be united, and with
that view that Spain commence it; and above all,
that the government be free from the charge
of committing a breach of the Constitution.21
Monroe wrote this short letter to Madison on July 20:
We have met every day, one excepted,
since my arrival here on the business of the
Spanish posts taken in Florida by General Jackson.
Onís has demanded whether they were
taken by order of the government?
If not, that they be surrendered & the General punished.
We have yet given no answer, but as the fact is,
that General Jackson was not authorized to take them,
& did it on his own responsibility, and the holding them,
would amount to a declaration of war, or come so near it,
that in case war followed, it would be so considered,
it appears to be proper to surrender them.
Jackson charges the Governor of Pensacola with
a breach of neutrality in stimulating the Indians to war,
furnishing the means of carrying it on &c.
This affords an opportunity to charge him, the governor
with the aggression, & those under him as the ground
of a demand of their punishment of the Spanish King.22
President Monroe wrote a letter to the young Secretary of State
John Quincy Adams on August 17 with this advice:
Our law in allowing vessels of any size to be built
in the country and sent out of it, provided they be not
armed, or if armed provided the intent is not made to
appear that they are to be employed against a power
with whom we are at peace, as is the case according
to my understanding of it, is as favorable to the
Colonies as it can be to be consistent with our neutrality.
I should suppose that he ought to have known that
it was improper to communicate any plan of his to
contravene that law to the Department of State.
Ignorance of the law is no justification of his conduct,
for he ought to have made himself acquainted with it
before he spoke to Mr. Rush or you on the subject.
In entering the vessels built in the names of his captains
he exposed himself to the consequences that have followed
from which he cannot escape, at least by Executive agency.
Nor should the vigilance and activity of the Spanish agents,
or seduction of men enlisted in the country
in defiance of our laws surprise him.
The whole of this proceeding is in character
and justifies the remark which I have made above.23
Then on the 20th again clarifying instructions on various issues,
and Monroe wrote again to Adams on August 27 advising,
I propose to suggest general consideration applicable to
the Colonies, as well as to ourselves, in the sense in which
every government ought to act, as reasons for caution
and delay in deciding on the recognition of Buenos Aires,
admitting that Buenos Aires has given strong proof of its
ability to maintain its independence, and then notice
the reason which you have given of internal division
proceeding from the State of Montevideo, the Banda
Oriental, and Paraguay, as presenting serious difficulties.
The latter is the ground which you undoubtedly have
principally in view, and in which I concur with you.24
In August 1818 Robert McQueen’s steamship Walk-in-the-Water began a line
between Buffalo and Detroit with a $24 fare for the 44-hour voyage.
In October the U.S. established a military post on the Isle au Vache in the Missouri River.
The National Road was extended west to Wheeling, Ohio
where the Ohio River provided transportation.
On October 20 the Anglo-American Convention was signed in London
to renew American fishing rights off Newfoundland and Labrador.
The border between Canada and the Louisiana territory was set at the 49th parallel
except that Britain and the US agreed to share the Oregon Country
without recognizing claims by Russia and Spain.
The US Senate ratified this without objections.
The Walla Walla trading post began facilitating the fur trade in the Oregon Territory.
Alabama and Mississippi revised their constitutions.
Indiana allowed white male taxpayers to vote.
Illinois had no taxpaying requirement, and their
1818 constitution banned slavery and black suffrage.
Virginia and North Carolina retained property restrictions on voting,
and South Carolina limited office-holding by property.
New Jersey had been the only state where women could vote, and they took it away.
On 16 November 1818 President Monroe
sent his second annual message to the Congress:
The auspicious circumstances under which you will
commence the duties of the present session will lighten the
burdens inseparable from the high trust committed to you.
The fruits of the earth have been unusually abundant;
commerce has flourished; the revenue has
exceeded the most favorable anticipation;
and peace and amity are preserved with foreign
nations on conditions just and honorable to our country.
For these inestimable blessings we cannot but be grateful to
that Providence which watches over the destiny of nations.
As the term limited for the operation of the commercial
convention with Great Britain will expire early in the month
of July next, and it was deemed important that there should
be no interval during which that portion of our commerce
which was provided for by that convention should not be
regulated, either by arrangement between the two
Governments or by the authority of Congress, the
minister of the United States at London was instructed
early in the last summer to invite the attention of the
British Government to the subject with a view to that object.
He was instructed to propose also that the negotiation
which it was wished to open might extend to the general
commerce of the two countries, and to every other interest
and unsettled difference between them in the hope that
an arrangement might be made on principles of reciprocal
advantage which might comprehend and provide in
a satisfactory manner for all these high concerns.
I have the satisfaction to state that the proposal
was received by the British Government in the
spirit which prompted it, and that a negotiation
has been opened at London embracing all these objects.
On full consideration of the great extent and magnitude
of the trust it was thought proper to commit it to not less
than two of our distinguished citizens, and in consequence
the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the
United States at Paris has been associated with our envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at London, to
both of whom corresponding instructions have been given,
and they are now engaged in the discharge of its duties.
It is proper to add that to prevent any inconvenience
resulting from the delay incident to a negotiation on
so many important subjects it was agreed before
entering on it that the existing convention should
be continued for a term not less than eight years.
Our relations with Spain remain nearly in the state
in which they were at the close of the last session.
The convention of 1802, providing for the adjustment
of a certain portion of the claims of our citizens for
injuries sustained by spoliation, and so long suspended
by the Spanish Government, has at length been
ratified by it, but no arrangement has yet been made
for the payment of another portion of like claims,
not less extensive or well founded, or for other
classes of claims, or for the settlement of boundaries.
These subjects have again been brought under
consideration in both countries, but no agreement
has been entered into respecting them.
In the meantime events have occurred which clearly
prove the ill effect of the policy which that Government
has so long pursued on the friendly relations of the two
countries, which it is presumed is at least of as much
importance to Spain as to the United States to maintain.
A state of things has existed in the Floridas the tendency
of which has been obvious to all who have paid the
slightest attention to the progress of affairs in that quarter.
Throughout the whole of those Provinces
to which the Spanish title extends the
Government of Spain has scarcely been felt.
Its authority has been confined almost exclusively
to the walls of Pensacola and St. Augustine, within
which only small garrisons have been maintained.
Adventurers from every country, fugitives from justice,
and absconding slaves have found an asylum there.
Several tribes of Indians, strong in the # of their warriors,
remarkable for their ferocity, and whose settlements
extend to our limits, inhabit those Provinces.
These different hordes of people, connected together,
disregarding on the one side the authority of Spain,
and protected on the other by an imaginary line which
separates Florida from the United States, have violated
our laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves, have
practiced various frauds on our revenue, and committed
every kind of outrage on our peaceable citizens which
their proximity to us enabled them to perpetrate.
The invasion of Amelia Island last year by a small band
of adventurers, not exceeding 150 in number, who wrested
it from the inconsiderable Spanish force stationed there,
and held it several months, during which a single feeble
effort only was made to recover it, which failed, clearly
proves how completely extinct the Spanish authority had
become, as the conduct of those adventurers while in
possession of the island as distinctly shows the pernicious
purposes for which their combination had been formed.
This country had in fact become the theater
of every species of lawless adventure.
With little population of its own the Spanish authority
almost extinct, and the colonial governments in a state
of revolution, having no pretension to it, and sufficiently
employed in their own concerns, it was in great measure
derelict, and the object of cupidity to every adventurer.
A system of buccaneering was rapidly organizing over it
which menaced in its consequences the lawful commerce
of every nation, and particularly the United States,
while it presented a temptation to every people,
on whose seduction its success principally depended.
In regard to the United States, the pernicious effect of this
unlawful combination was not confined to the ocean; the
Indian tribes have constituted the effective force in Florida.
With these tribes these adventurers had formed
at an early period a connection with a view to avail
themselves of that force to promote their own
projects of accumulation and aggrandizement.
It is to the interference of some of these adventurers,
in misrepresenting the claims and titles of the Indians
to land and in practicing on their savage propensities,
that the Seminole war is principally to be traced.
Men who thus connect themselves with savage communities
and stimulate them to war, which is always attended
on their part with acts of barbarity the most shocking,
deserve to be viewed in a worse light than the savages.
They would certainly have no claim to an immunity
from the punishment which, according to the
rules of warfare practiced by the savages,
might justly be inflicted on the savages themselves.
If the embarrassments of Spain prevented her
from making an indemnity to our citizens for so long
a time from her treasury for their losses by spoliation
and otherwise, it was always in her power to have
provided it by the cession of this territory.
Of this her Government has been repeatedly apprised,
and the cession was the more to have been anticipated,
as Spain must have known that in ceding it,
she would likewise relieve herself from the
important obligation secured by the treaty of 1795
and all other compromitments respecting it.
If the United States, from consideration of these
embarrassments, declined pressing their claims in a
spirit of hostility, the motive ought at least to have
been duly appreciated by the Government of Spain.
It is well known to her Government that other powers
have made to the United States an indemnity for like
losses sustained by their citizens at the same epoch.
There is nevertheless a limit beyond which this spirit
of amity and forbearance can in no instance be justified.
If it was proper to rely on amicable negotiation for an
indemnity for losses, it would not have been so to have
permitted the inability of Spain to fulfill her engagements
and to sustain her authority in the Floridas to be
perverted by foreign adventurers and savages
to purposes so destructive to the lives of our fellow
citizens and the highest interests of the United States.
The right of self-defense never ceases.
It is among the most sacred, and alike necessary to
nations and to individuals, and whether the attack be
made by Spain herself or by those who abuse her power,
its obligation is not the less strong.
The invaders of Amelia Island had assumed
a popular and respected title under which
they might approach and wound us.
As their object was distinctly seen, and the duty imposed
on the Executive by an existing law was profoundly felt,
that mask was not permitted to protect them.
It was thought incumbent on the United States to
suppress the establishment, and it was accordingly done.
The combination in Florida for the unlawful purposes stated,
the acts perpetrated by that combination, and above all
the incitement of the Indians to massacre our
fellow citizens of every age and of both sexes,
merited a like treatment and received it.
In pursuing these savages to an imaginary line
in the woods it would have been the height of folly
to have suffered that line to protect them.
Had that been done, the war could never cease.
Even if the territory had been exclusively that of Spain and
her power complete over it, we had a right by the law of
nations to follow the enemy on it and to subdue him there.
But the territory belonged in a certain sense at least to
the savage enemy who inhabited it; the power of Spain
had ceased to exist over it, and protection was sought
under her title by those who had committed on our
citizens hostilities which she was bound by treaty
to have prevented, but had not the power to prevent.
To have stopped at that line would have given new
encouragement to these savages and new vigor
to the whole combination existing there in the
prosecution of all its pernicious purposes.
In suppressing the establishment at Amelia Island no
unfriendliness was manifested toward Spain, because the
post was taken from a force which had wrested it from her.
The measure, it is true, was not adopted in concert with
the Spanish Government or those in authority under it,
because in transactions connected with the war in
which Spain and the colonies are engaged it was thought
proper in doing justice to the United States to maintain
a strict impartiality toward both the belligerent parties
without consulting or acting in concert with either.
It gives me pleasure to state that the Governments of
Buenos Aires and Venezuela, whose names were assumed,
have explicitly disclaimed all participation in those measures,
and even the knowledge of them until communicated by this
Government, and have also expressed their satisfaction that
a course of proceedings had been suppressed which
if justly imputable to them would dishonor their cause.
In authorizing Major-General Jackson to enter
Florida in pursuit of the Seminoles care was
taken not to encroach on the rights of Spain.
I regret to have to add that in executing this order facts
were disclosed respecting the conduct of the officers of
Spain in authority there in encouraging the war, furnishing
munitions of war and other supplies to carry it on,
and in other acts not less marked which evinced their
participation in the hostile purposes of that combination
and justified the confidence with which it inspired the
savages that by those officers they would be protected.
A conduct so incompatible with the friendly relations
existing between the two countries, particularly with the
positive obligations of the 5th article of the treaty of 1795,
by which Spain was bound to restrain, even by force,
those savages from acts of hostility against the
United States, could not fail to excite surprise.
The commanding general was convinced that he should
fail in his object, that he should in effect accomplish nothing,
if he did not deprive those savages of the resource
on which they had calculated and of the protection
on which they had relied in making the war.
As all the documents relating to this occurrence
will be laid before Congress, it is not necessary
to enter into further detail respecting it.
Although the reasons which induced Major-General
Jackson to take these posts were duly appreciated,
there was nevertheless no hesitation in deciding on
the course which it became the Government to pursue.
As there was reason to believe that the commanders
of these posts had violated their instructions,
there was no disposition to impute to their
Government a conduct so unprovoked and hostile.
An order was in consequence issued to the general
in command there to deliver the posts—Pensacola
unconditionally to any person duly authorized to receive it—
and St. Marks, which is in the heart of the Indian country,
on the arrival of a competent force to defend it
against those savages and their associates.
In entering Florida to suppress this combination
no idea was entertained of hostility to Spain, and
however justifiable the commanding general was,
in consequence of the misconduct of the Spanish officers,
in entering St. Marks and Pensacola to terminate it
by proving to the savages and their associates that
they should not be protected even there, yet the
amicable relations existing between the United States
and Spain could not be altered by that act alone.
By ordering the restitution of the posts
those relations were preserved.
To a change of them the power of the Executive
is deemed incompetent; it is vested in Congress only.
By this measure, so promptly taken,
due respect was shown to the Government of Spain.
The misconduct of her officers has not been imputed to her.
She was enabled to review with candor her relations with
the United States and her own situation, particularly in
respect to the territory in question with the dangers
inseparable from it, and regarding the losses we have
sustained for which indemnity has been so long withheld,
and the injuries we have suffered through that territory,
and her means of redress, she was likewise enabled to
take with honor the course best calculated to do justice
to the United States and to promote her own welfare.
Copies of the instructions to the commanding general,
of his correspondence with the Secretary of War,
explaining his motives and justifying his conduct with
a copy of the proceedings of the courts-martial in the
trial of Arbuthnot and Ambristie, and of the correspondence
between the Secretary of State and the minister
plenipotentiary of Spain near this Government, and of the
minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid
with the Government of Spain will be laid before Congress.
The civil war which has so long prevailed between
Spain and the Provinces in South America still continues
without any prospect of its speedy termination.
The information respecting the condition of those countries
which has been collected by the commissioners recently
returned from thence will be laid before Congress in
copies of their reports with such other information as
has been received from other agents of the United States.
It appears from these communications that the
Government at Buenos Aires declared itself independent
in 1816 July, having previously exercised the power of
an independent Government, though in the name of the
King of Spain from the year 1810; that the Banda Oriental,
Entre Rios, and Paraguay with the city of Santa Fe,
all of which are also independent, are unconnected with
the present Government of Buenos Aires; that Chile
has declared itself independent and is closely connected
with Buenos Aires; that Venezuela has also declared
itself independent, and now maintains the conflict
with various success; and that the remaining parts
of South America, except Monte Video and such
other portions of the eastern bank of the La Plata
as are held by Portugal, are still in the possession
of Spain or in a certain degree under her influence.
By a circular note addressed by the ministers of Spain
to the allied powers with whom they are respectively
accredited, it appears that the allies have undertaken
to mediate between Spain and the South American
Provinces, and that the manner and extent of their
interposition would be settled by a congress which
was to have met at Aix-la-Chapelle in September last.
From the general policy and course of proceeding observed
by the allied powers in regard to this contest it is inferred
that they will confine their interposition to the expression of
their sentiments, abstaining from the application of force.
I state this impression that force will not be applied with the
greater satisfaction because it is a course more consistent
with justice and likewise authorizes a hope that the
calamities of the war will be confined to the parties only,
and will be of shorter duration.
From the view taken of this subject, founded on all the
information that we have been able to obtain, there is
good cause to be satisfied with the course heretofore
pursued by the United States in regard to this contest,
and to conclude that it is proper to adhere to it,
especially in the present state of affairs.
I have great satisfaction in stating that our
relations with France, Russia, and other powers
continue on the most friendly basis.
In our domestic concerns
we have ample cause of satisfaction.
The receipts into the Treasury during the three
first quarters of the year have exceeded $17M.
After satisfying all the demands which have been made
under existing appropriations, including the final extinction
of the old 6% stock and the redemption of a moiety of the
Louisiana debt, it is estimated that there will remain in the
Treasury on the 1st day of January next more than $2M.
It is ascertained that the gross revenue which
has accrued from the customs during the same period
amounts to $21M, and that the revenue of the whole
year may be estimated at not less than $26M.
The sale of the public lands during the year has also
greatly exceeded, both in quantity and price, that of
any former year, and there is just reason to expect
a progressive improvement in that source of revenue.
It is gratifying to know that although the annual
expenditure has been increased by the act of the last
session of Congress providing for Revolutionary pensions
to an amount about equal to the proceeds of the internal
duties which were then repealed, the revenue for the
ensuing year will be proportionally augmented, and that
while the public expenditure will probably remain stationary,
each successive year will add to the national resources by
the ordinary increase of our population and by the gradual
development of our latent sources of national prosperity.
The strict execution of the revenue laws, resulting
principally from the salutary provisions of the act of the 20th
of April last amending the several collection laws has,
it is presumed, secured to domestic manufactures all the
relief that can be derived from the duties which have been
imposed upon foreign merchandise for their protection.
Under the influence of this relief several branches of
this important national interest have assumed greater
activity, and although it is hoped that others will
gradually revive and ultimately triumph over every
obstacle, yet the expediency of granting further
protection is submitted to your consideration.
The measures of defense authorized by existing laws
have been pursued with the zeal and activity due to
so important an object, and with all the dispatch
practicable in so extensive and great an undertaking.
The survey of our maritime and inland frontiers has been
continued, and at the points where it was decided to
erect fortifications the work has been commenced, and
in some instances considerable progress has been made.
In compliance with resolutions of the last session,
the Board of Commissioners were directed to
examine in a particular manner the parts of the
coast therein designated and to report their opinion
of the most suitable sites for two naval depots.
This work is in a train of execution.
The opinion of the Board on this subject with
a plan of all the works necessary to a general
system of defense so far as it has been formed,
will be laid before Congress in a report from the
proper department as soon as it can be prepared.
In conformity with the appropriations of the last session,
treaties have been formed with the Quapaw tribe of Indians,
inhabiting the country on the Arkansas, and the Great
and Little Osages north of the White River; with the
tribes in the State of Indiana; with the several tribes
within the State of Ohio and the Michigan Territory,
and with the Chickasaws by which very extensive
cessions of territory have been made to the United States.
Negotiations are now depending with the tribes in the
Illinois Territory and with the Choctaws, by which it is
expected that other extensive cessions will be made.
I take great interest in stating that the cessions
already made, which are considered so important
to the United States, have been obtained on
conditions very satisfactory to the Indians.
With a view to the security of our inland frontiers,
it has been thought expedient to establish strong posts
at the mouth of Yellow Stone River and at the
Mandan village on the Missouri, and at the mouth
of St. Peters on the Mississippi, at no great
distance from our northern boundaries.
It can hardly be presumed while such posts are
maintained in the rear of the Indian tribes that
they will venture to attack our peaceable inhabitants.
A strong hope is entertained that this measure will likewise
be productive of much good to the tribes themselves,
especially in promoting the great object of their civilization.
Experience has clearly demonstrated that independent
savage communities cannot long exist
within the limits of a civilized population.
The progress of the latter has almost invariably
terminated in the extinction of the former,
especially of the tribes belonging to our portion of
this hemisphere, among whom loftiness of sentiment
and gallantry in action have been conspicuous.
To civilize them and even to prevent their extinction,
it seems to be indispensable that their independence
as communities should cease, and that the control of the
United States over them should be complete and undisputed.
The hunter state will then be more easily abandoned,
and recourse will be had to the acquisition and culture
of land and to other pursuits tending to dissolve the ties
which connect them together as a savage community
and to give a new character to every individual.
I present this subject to the consideration of
Congress on the presumption that it may be
found expedient and practicable to adopt some
benevolent provisions, having these objects in view,
relative to the tribes within our settlements.
It has been necessary during the present year to
maintain a strong naval force in the Mediterranean
and in the Gulf of Mexico, and to send some public ships
along the southern coast and to the Pacific Ocean.
By these means amicable relations with the
Barbary Powers have been preserved; our commerce
has been protected, and our rights respected.
The augmentation of our Navy is advancing with a
steady progress toward the limit contemplated by law.
I communicate with great satisfaction the accession
of another State (Illinois) to our Union, because
I perceive from the proof afforded by the additions
already made the regular progress and sure consummation
of a policy of which history affords no example, and of
which the good effect cannot be too highly estimated.
By extending our Government on the principles of our
Constitution over the vast territory within our limits,
on the Lakes and the Mississippi and its numerous streams,
new life and vigor are infused into every part of our system.
By increasing the number of the States the confidence
of the State governments in their own security
is increased, and their jealousy of the National
Government proportionally diminished.
The impracticability of one consolidated Government
for this great and growing nation will be more
apparent and will be universally admitted.
Incapable of exercising local authority
except for general purposes, the General
Government will no longer be dreaded.
In those cases of a local nature and for all
the great purposes for which it was instituted,
its authority will be cherished.
Each Government will acquire new force and
a greater freedom of action within its proper sphere.
Other inestimable advantages will follow.
Our produce will be augmented to an incalculable
amount in articles of the greatest value
for domestic use and foreign commerce.
Our navigation will in like degree be increased, and
as the shipping of the Atlantic States will be employed
in the transportation of the vast produce of the Western
country, even those parts of the United States which are
most remote from each other will be further bound together
by the strongest ties which mutual interest can create.
The situation of this District, it is thought,
requires the attention of Congress.
By the Constitution the power of legislation is
exclusively vested in the Congress of the United States.
In the exercise of this power, in which the people
have no participation, Congress legislates in all
cases directly on the local concerns of the District.
As this is a departure for a special purpose from
the general principles of our system, it may merit
consideration whether an arrangement better adapted
to the principles of our Government and to the particular
interests of the people may not be devised which will
neither infringe the Constitution nor affect the object
which the provision in question was intended to secure.
The growing population, already considerable, and the
increasing business of the District, which it is believed
already interferes with the deliberations of Congress
on great national concerns, furnish additional motives
for recommending this subject to your consideration.
When we view the great blessings with which our
country has been favored, those which we now enjoy,
and the means which we possess of handing them
down unimpaired to our latest posterity, our attention is
irresistibly drawn to the source from whence they flow.
Let us then unite in offering our most grateful
acknowledgments for these blessings
to the Divine Author of All Good.25
Monroe in a letter to Thomas Jefferson on 23 November 1818 wrote,
I send you a copy of the documents relating to
negotiations with Spain from a very distant day to the
end of the last Session, which will be interesting to you,
though not new, having had the direction of them in the
stage which formed the outline of what has since followed.
Our attitude with the allied powers in regard to South
America is as favorable, as it well can be, Mr. Rush &
Mr. Gallatin having had conferences, the former with
Lord Castlereagh, & the latter with the Duke of
Richelieu & the Russian minister at Paris, in which
they were informed by those ministers, that their
governments could not well move in that affair
without the United States, by which it was meant,
as is inferred, against the United States.
Had we made a bolder or more precipitate
movement, it might have produced a corresponding
one on their part, very different from that,
which it is expected, they will adopt & pursue.
At present, our weight, is thrown into the scale
of the Colonies in a way most likely to produce
the desired effect with the allies in favor of the
colonies without hazard of loss to ourselves.26
On December 3 Illinois became the 21st state in the Union
and included the village of Chicago.
Illinois had been free of slaves as part of the Northwest Territory,
and the state’s constitution banned slavery.
Notes
1. The Writings of Monroe, Volume 5 1807-1816, ed. Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, p. 2-4.
2. Ibid., p. 4-6.
3. Ibid., p. 6-14.
4. Ibid., p. 15.
5. Annals of Congress, 15C1S, 1373, March 13, 1817 quoted in James Monroe:
The Quest for National Identity by Harry Ammon, p. 388.
6. Ibid., p. 389.
7. See The Writings of Monroe, Volume 6 1817-1823, p. 216-284.
8. Ibid., p. 21-23.
9. Ibid., p. 24.
10. Ibid., p. 26-29.
11. James Monroe to Andrew Jackson, October 5, 1817 (Online).
12. The Political Writings of James Monroe ed. James P. Lucier, p. 499.
13. The Writings of Monroe, Volume 6 1817-1823, p. 32-33.
14. Ibid., p. 33-44.
15. Ibid., p. 45-46.
16. Ibid., p. 46-47.
17. The Presidency of James Monroe by Noble E. Cunningham, p. 57.
18. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1908
ed. James D. Richardson, Volume 231-32.
19. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Volume 4 ed. Charles Francis Adams, p. 72.
20. The Writings of Monroe, Volume 6 1817-1823, p. 49-51.
21. Ibid., p. 53-54.
22. Ibid., p. 55-57, 57-58, 61.
23. Ibid., p. 61-62.
24. Ibid., p. 65.
25. Ibid., p. 72-73.
26. Ibid., p. 75-83.
27. Ibid., p. 84-85.