On 18 January 1798 the new French Directory decreed
that neutral ships with British cargo could be captured.
Captain John Barry commanded the United States frigate that was being outfitted
in the Delaware River by Philadelphia, and in January he complained to a
Congressman from New Jersey that Secretary of War James McHenry was incompetent.
The Congress began an inquiry.
McHenry, Secretary of State Timothy Pickering, and
Treasury Secretary Oliver Wolcott Jr. followed the advice
of the former Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton
more than that of President John Adams.
The Federalist Congressman Robert Goodloe Harper of South Carolina
suggested that Hamilton replace McHenry, and Wolcott agreed with that.
Congress proposed that a new department be formed for naval affairs.
On January 24 President Adams in a letter to
Secretary of State Timothy Pickering wrote,
The President of the United States, requests
The Secretary of State, The Secretary of the Treasury,
The Secretary of War, and the Attorney General
to take into their Consideration, the State of the Nation
and its foreign Relations, especially with France.
These indeed may be so connected with those as with
England, Spain, Holland, and others, that perhaps
the former cannot be well weighed without the other.
If our Envoys Extraordinary, should be refused
an Audience, or after an Audience, be ordered to
deport without accomplishing the Object of their Mission,
1. They may all repair to Holland, or
2. two of them may return home, leaving one abroad.
3. All of them may return to America.
In the first case will it be prudent to call them all home,
and in the second to recall the one?
In any of the three Cases, what will be necessary or
expedient for the Executive Authority
of Government to do here?
In what manner should the first Intelligence
be announced to Congress by Messages or Speech?
What measures should be recommended to Congress?
Shall an immediate Declaration of War
be recommended or suggested?
If not, what other system, shall be recommended,
more than a repetition of the recommendations
heretofore repeatedly made to both Houses.
Will it in any Case and in what Cases
be advisable to recommend an Embargo?
What Measures will be proper to take with Spain?
What with Holland?
What with Portugal?
but above all what will Policy dictate to be said to England?
and how shall it be said?
By Mr. King? or to Mr. Liston?
and how shall it be conveyed to Mr. King?
by Packet? by any ordinary conveyance?
or by Some Special, trusty, and confidential Messenger?
Will it not be, the soundest Policy, even in case of
a Declaration of War on both sides between France
and the United States, for Us to be totally silent
to England and wait for her overtures?
Will it not be imprudent in Us to connect ourselves,
with Britain in any manner, that may impede Us
in embracing the first favorable Moment
or opportunity to make a separate Peace?
What Aids or Benefits can We expect from England,
by any Stipulations with her, which her Interests
will not impel her to extend to Us without any?
on the brink of the dangerous Precipice on which she stands,
will not shaking hands with her, necessitate Us,
to fall with her, if she falls?
On the other hand what Aid could We stipulate to afford her,
which our own Interest would not oblige Us to give,
without any other Obligation.
In Case of a Revolution in England, a wild Democracy
will probably prevail, for as long a time as it did in France:
in such Case will not the danger of reviving and extending
that Delirium in America, be increased in proportion
to the Intimacy of our Connection with that Nation?1
President Adams informed Congress in February 1798 that the French
privateer Vertitude had attacked a British ship anchored in Charleston harbor.
The British were still seizing US ships and impressed hundreds of American sailors.
Spain regretted the treaty they had made in 1795 and balked at fulfilling its terms.
On March 4 dispatches arrived that informed the
Adams administration that France had rejected the four envoys.
Also the Directory announced that French ports were closed
to neutral ships,
and anything carrying goods from England could be captured.
The three American envoys, Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry, in Paris
had been given only one brief meeting with the French foreign minister Talleyrand
who employed the secret agents Jean Conrad Hottinguer,
Pierre Bellamy, and Lucien Hauteval.
The Americans referred to these men in the dispatches as “X, Y, and Z,”
and President John Adams did also.
They said Talleyrand wanted the Americans to pay him a bribe
of $250,000 and loan France $10,000,000 because of
the insults in the Adams speech in May 1797.
The French also wanted a loan from the Dutch of 32 million Florins.
Pinckney said, “No! No! Not a sixpence!”
This rallying cry was later modified to
“millions for defense, but not a penny for tribute.”
Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry refused to pay anything.
In a dispatch on 30 October 1797 was Bellamy’s statement that
Republicans in America were getting instructions from Paris.
He wrote,
You ought to know that the diplomatic skill of France,
and the means she possesses in your country,
are sufficient to enable her, with the French party
in America, to throw the blame which will attend
the rupture of the negotiations on the federalists,
as you term yourselves, but on the British party,
as France terms you; and you may assure
yourselves this will be done.2
This became an argument Federalists used to support
the need for the Alien and Seditions Acts.
The Federal judge Robert Troup in a letter to Rufus King on 3 June 1798 wrote,
A spirit of warm and high resentment against the rulers of
France has suddenly burst forth in every part of the
United States, and addresses from all bodies and
descriptions of men are pouring like a torrent upon
the President and both Houses of Congress….
Every day brings us new and decisive proofs of the growing
unanimity throughout the whole extent of our territory.
Addresses to the President are constantly coming in—
meetings are holding, and the people are resolving with
heart and hand to support the government in all
such measures as the public councils shall devise.3
Sweden wanted to renew its treaty with the United States,
and Adams nominated his son John Quincy Adams to negotiate as a commissioner.
The Senate so far had refused to confirm his nomination as minister to Prussia.
On March 10 Alexander Hamilton, using the pen name “Titus Manlius,”
published the first of seven articles called “The Stand” in the
Commercial Advertiser in which he advocated that the
United States greatly expand its army to counter the French threat.
On March 19 John Adams gave this message to both houses of the Congress:
The dispatches from the envoys extraordinary of the
United States to the French Republic, which were mentioned
in my message to both Houses of Congress of the 5th
instant, have been examined and maturely considered.
While I feel a satisfaction in informing you that
their exertions for the adjustment of the differences
between the two nations have been sincere and unremitted,
it is incumbent on me to declare that I perceive no ground
of expectation that the objects of their mission can be
accomplished on terms compatible with the safety,
the honor, or the essential interests of the nation.
This result can not with justice be attributed to any
want of moderation on the part of this Government,
or to any indisposition to forego secondary interests
for the preservation of peace.
Knowing it to be my duty, and believing it to be your wish,
as well as that of the great body of the people,
to avoid by all reasonable concessions any participation
in the contentions of Europe, the powers vested
in our envoys were commensurate with a liberal
and pacific policy and that high confidence which might
justly be reposed in the abilities, patriotism, and integrity
of the characters to whom the negotiation was committed.
After a careful review of the whole subject, with the aid
of all the information I have received, I can discern nothing
which could have insured or contributed to success that
has been omitted on my part, and nothing further which
can be attempted consistently with maxims for which
our country has contended at every hazard, and which
constitute the basis of our national sovereignty.
Under these circumstances I can not forbear to reiterate
the recommendations which have been formerly made,
and to exhort you to adopt with promptitude, decision,
and unanimity such measures as the ample resources
of the country afford for the protection of our seafaring
and commercial citizens, for the defense of any exposed
portions of our territory, for replenishing our arsenals,
establishing foundries and military manufactures,
and to provide such efficient revenue as will be
necessary to defray extraordinary expenses
and supply the deficiencies which may be
occasioned by depredations on our commerce.
The present state of things is so essentially different
from that in which instructions were given to the collectors
to restrain vessels of the United States from sailing
in an armed condition that the principle on which
those orders were issued has ceased to exist.
I therefore deem it proper to inform Congress that
I no longer conceive myself justifiable in continuing them,
unless in particular cases where there may be
reasonable ground of suspicion that such vessels
are intended to be employed contrary to law.
In all your proceedings it will be important
to manifest a zeal, vigor, and concert in defense
of the national rights proportioned
to the danger with which they are threatened.4
On 23 March 1898 John Adams issued this Proclamation of a
Day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer:
As the safety and prosperity of nations ultimately and
essentially depend on the protection and the blessing
of Almighty God, and the national acknowledgment
of this truth is not only an indispensable duty which
the people owe to Him, but a duty whose natural influence
is favorable to the promotion of that morality and piety
without which social happiness can not exist
nor the blessings of a free government be enjoyed;
and as this duty, at all times incumbent, is so especially
in seasons of difficulty or of danger, when existing
or threatening calamities, the just judgments of God
against prevalent iniquity, are a loud call to repentance
and reformation; and as the United States of America
are at present placed in a hazardous and afflictive situation
by the unfriendly disposition, conduct, and demands
of a foreign power, evinced by repeated refusals to receive
our messengers of reconciliation and peace, by depredation
on our commerce, and the infliction of injuries on very many
of our fellow-citizens while engaged in their lawful business
on the seas—under these considerations it has appeared
to me that the duty of imploring the mercy and benediction
of Heaven on our country demands at this time
a special attention from its inhabitants.
I have therefore thought fit to recommend, and I do hereby
recommend, that Wednesday, the 9th day of May next,
be observed throughout the United States as a day of
solemn humiliation, fasting, and prayer;
that the citizens of these States, abstaining on that day
from their customary worldly occupations, offer their devout
addresses to the Father of Mercies agreeably to those forms
or methods which they have severally adopted as the most
suitable and becoming; that all religious congregations do,
with the deepest humility, acknowledge before God the
manifold sins and transgressions with which we are justly
chargeable as individuals and as a nation, beseeching Him
at the same time, of His infinite grace, through the
Redeemer of the World, freely to remit all our offenses,
and to incline us by His Holy Spirit to that sincere
repentance and reformation which may afford us reason
to hope for his inestimable favor and heavenly benediction;
that it be made the subject of particular and earnest
supplication that our country may be protected from
all the dangers which threaten it; that our civil and
religious privileges may be preserved inviolate and
perpetuated to the latest generations;
that our public councils and magistrates may be especially
enlightened and directed at this critical period;
that the American people may be united in those bonds
of amity and mutual confidence and inspired with that
vigor and fortitude by which they have in times past been
so highly distinguished and by which they have obtained
such invaluable advantages; that the health of the
inhabitants of our land may be preserved,
and their agriculture, commerce, fisheries, arts,
and manufactures be blessed and prospered;
that the principles of genuine piety and sound morality
may influence the minds and govern the lives of every
description of our citizens, and that the blessings of peace,
freedom, and pure religion may be speedily
extended to all the nations of the earth.
And finally, I recommend that on the said day the duties
of humiliation and prayer be accompanied by fervent
thanksgiving to the Bestower of Every Good Gift,
not only for His having hitherto protected and preserved
the people of these United States in the independent
enjoyment of their religious and civil freedom,
but also for having prospered them in a wonderful progress
of population, and for conferring on them many
and great favors conducive to the happiness
and prosperity of a nation.
Given under my hand and the seal of the
United States of America, at Philadelphia,
this 23d day of March, A. D. 1798, and of the
Independence of the said States the twenty-second.5
In March 1798 Spain’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Manuel de Godoy
ordered Carondelet to give up the disputed territory, and the United States
organized the Mississippi Territory between Georgia and the Mississippi River.
Manuel de Godoy’s ministry ended on March 28.
On March 19 President John Adams informed Congress that
the diplomatic mission had failed, but he gave no details.
He revoked Washington’s order that forbade arming American merchant ships
and Thomas Jefferson suggested challenging the constitutionality of
ordering that without the approval of Congress.
Vice President Jefferson also urged Congress to adjourn
so that they could consult their constituents.
On March 27 Republicans in Congress proposed a resolution that
it was inexpedient to go to war against France, a protest of arming
merchant vessels, and measures to protect coastal areas.
Republicans suspected that Adams was withholding information favoring the French,
and they insisted he show Congress the documents.
On April 2 the Republican leader in the House, Albert Gallatin,
proposed that the President turn over the dispatches.
This passed 65-27 because the Federalists
had learned they were damaging to France.
The envoys had left France, and Adams released the information the next day.
The House went into a secret session while the Senate printed copies
for Congress which were leaked to the public.
The next day President Adams gave them all the deciphered dispatches
except he did not name the four French agents who were the playwright
Pierre Beaumarchais, Jean Conrad Hottinguer, Pierre Bellamy, and Lucien Hauteval.
The Americans called them W, X, Y, and Z.
On April 6 the Senate passed a similar resolution,
and they were called the “X Y Z dispatches.”
Alexander Hamilton wrote “The Stand” essays criticizing five tyrants of France
who were waging wars against all nations who were not their allies.
He proposed an American army of 50,000 men, and Federalists
advocating war reduced that to 20,000 led by General George Washington.
President Adams began wearing his full uniform as commander-in-chief with a sword.
On April 27 Congress approved defensive measures
including building 12 frigates with no more than 22 guns.
They authorized a regiment of engineers and artillery experts for the army,
and they allowed the President to call up 80,000 militiamen.
On April 30 President Adams signed the bill
that established the Department of the Navy.
The next day he asked his friend George Cabot of
Massachusetts to be the first Secretary of the Navy.
When he declined, Adams nominated Benjamin Stoddert of Maryland on May 18.
Congress on May 4 had passed a bill that authorized
the Navy to acquire cannon, arms, and ammunition.
Hamilton in May wrote to George Washington and
urged him to prepare the military in the South.
On May 28 Adams approved a bill that contained his instructions to
naval commanders directing them to “seize, take, and bring”
French ships that had attacked American commerce off the coast.
On June 18 the United States Senate confirmed Stoddert
as the first Secretary of the Navy with a salary was $3,000.
By early July he was running the Navy Department.
This limited naval war to protect American merchant ships would later be called
the “Quasi War,” meaning that it was halfway between war and peace.
Captain Barry had complained that the 24-pound cannons were inadequate,
and he had asked New York’s Governor John Jay for help.
A Connecticut foundry delivered the guns on May 18.
President John Adams assigned Silas Dinsmoor to live with the Cherokees
and teach them how to raise stock and cultivate the land.
Conspirators wanted to liberate the Floridas and Louisiana from Spanish rule,
and Senator William Blount of Tennessee was a Shadow Senator
for the Southwest Territory and planned four military campaigns.
Then he was a United States Senator from Tennessee for 11 months.
On 8 July 1797 the House of Representatives began impeachment hearings,
and the Senate proposed his expulsion.
Blount put up bail and fled to Tennessee.
He was impeached by the House of Representatives in 1798,
and he was elected a state senator in Tennessee in October.
On 11 January 1799 the Senate dismissed
the case against Blount based on no jurisdiction.
The editor Benjamin Franklin Bache in the Aurora castigated Adams,
and John Fenno in the Gazette of the United States fought back against Bache.
On April 11 John Daly Burk and Dr. James Smith
began publishing the Time Piece in New York City.
Burk and Smith were arrested on July 6.
Judge Hobart set bail at $4,000, and they signed bonds of recognizance and sureties.
Publication of Time Piece was stopped, and their trial was never held.
The United States Congress approved funds for harbor fortifications and cannons,
and in May they authorized nearly $1 million
for nine warships to capture French privateers.
The Congress passed a stamp tax to pay for more warships,
and Gallatin complained that this was military despotism.
After rejecting an army of 24,000 the Congress established
an army of 10,000 men and a Navy Department with 12 ships.
President Adams had proclaimed 9 May 1798 a day of
“public humiliation, fasting and prayer throughout the United States.”
Republicans ridiculed the idea, and Jefferson complained that it was a waste of money.
Federalists who supported Britain criticized Republican newspaper editors.
Street gangs wore cockades of black for England or tricolor for France.
The cavalry had to be called in to break up a fight, and one person was arrested.
Mobs attacked Bache’s house twice in May, and windows were broken.
Rumors spread that the French were going to burn the city.
Adams finally agreed to have a sentry posted at the President’s House.
President George Washington had appointed New York’s Senator Rufus King
to be the Minister to Britain in May 1796, and King negotiated a treaty with Russia
and sent the Federalist William Smith of Maryland to talk to Turks about an alliance.
Vice President Jefferson considered these provocations to the French,
and on 5 May 1798 he executed the will of the Revolutionary War hero
Tadeusz Kosciuszko who bequeathed his lands in Ohio to help free Negro slaves.
On May 28 Congress authorized a larger army and the use of force against
the French at sea, and on June 13 they enacted an embargo against French ships.
Marshall brought the news when he returned to Philadelphia on June 17,
and on the 19th he assured President Adams that
the French did not want a war with the United States.
Adams learned that Gerry had stayed because
Talleyrand had threatened war if he left.
Secretary of State Pickering wanted Bache arrested,
and on June 26 United States Judge Richard Peters issued a warrant
for the arrest of Bache on a charge of libel for publishing that
the correspondence of Gerry had been altered by President Adams.
Bache’s lawyers contended that the Federal Courts had
no jurisdiction in criminal cases, and Peters disagreed.
Bache stayed in town during the summer,
and he died of yellow fever on September 10.
His rival Fenno of the Gazette of the United States
also died of the fever on the 14th.
Editor William Duane resumed publishing the Aurora
on November 1 to support Bache’s principles.
Almost every day they criticized the Government’s
violating of free speech and a free press.
Adams had learned that Charles C. Pinckney and John Marshall
had left Paris on April 12 while Elbridge Gerry remained behind.
Secretary of State Pickering criticized Gerry and in a letter to him wrote,
The President will never send another minister to France
without assurances that he will be received, respected,
and honored as the representative of a great, free,
powerful, and independent nation.6
Gerry described what he did in this response to the Secretary of State:
In consequence of this letter, (the minister of foreign
affairs) to the envoys, of the 18th of March, he renewed
his proposition to me to treat separately;
and again received a negative answer.
He then proposed that I should remain at Paris,
until the sense of the government could be obtained;
declaring, as before, that an immediate rupture
would be the consequence of my departure.
To have left France under such circumstances
was a measure which I could not justify.
The power of declaring war was not entrusted with the
supreme executive of the United States, much less
with a minister; and to have thus provoked it, would,
in my mind, have been tantamount to a declaration thereof.
Indeed, to have plunged the nation into a war suddenly,
even if it was inevitable, appeared to me
in other respects unwarrantable.
Congress, who alone had a right to adopt this measure,
might, by such a premature step, have been defeated
in their previous arrangements, and subjected to other
manifest inconveniences, and the executive might have been
placed on grounds less advantageous for forming alliances,
&c., whereas, my detention at Paris gained time,
if this was requisite, and could not procrastinate a
declaration of war, if the United States were prepared for it.
Other considerations had their weight.
France, at that time, was making very formidable
preparations, with a professed design to overthrow
the British government; and such were the exertions and
enthusiasm of her citizens, armies, and administration,
as to spread a general alarm throughout Great Britain.
It was evident, then, to common observation, that
should France succeed, she would acquire by the powerful
navy and resources of Britain, such strength as to be able
to give law to Europe, and to regions more remote;
and it was rational to suppose that a coalition would be
formed of such European powers as were not in the
interest or under the influence of France, to put an end
to the war, by offering their mediation, and declaring their
intention to oppose the power which should refuse it—
the temporizing negotiations at Rastadt had this aspect;
moreover, the internal affairs of France were in
an agitated state, and threatened civil commotions.
If then, on the one hand, a new coalition against France,
a change in her government, or even a successful resistance
on the part of Great Britain had happened,
a favorable opportunity would have presented itself
to the United States for obtaining of her a just and
advantageous treaty; and this would have been lost
by a previous rupture in consequence of my departure.
If, on the other hand, Great Britain, unaided, had fallen,
the United States would have been in a much better
condition at peace than at war with the most
formidable power the world had exhibited.
In such an event they could have but small hopes of
resisting France, and it might have been deemed madness
in them even to have attempted it.
For these reasons I thought it my indispensable duty
to remain a short time at Paris.7
The Foreign Minister Talleyrand wrote several letters to Gerry
urging him
to stay in Paris for “reciprocal communications” to achieve “reconciliation.”
In a letter to her sister on 26 May 1798 Abigail Adams wrote,
I wish the Laws of our Country were competent to punish
the stirrer up of sedition, the writer and Printer
of base and unfounded calumny.
This would contribute as much to the Peace and harmony
of our Country as any measure,
and in times like the present, a more careful
and attentive watch ought to be kept over foreigners.8
Abigail wrote in support of the Alien and Sedition Acts several times that spring.
Treasury Secretary Wolcott began investigating the
editor Bache and Vice President Jefferson in June.
Stephen Higginson told him that Talleyrand sent packets addressed to
Jefferson, Monroe, Randolph, Baldwin, Genet, Bache, and others,
and Wolcott kept one of Jefferson’s letters that had been intercepted.
Amid the tumult and fear of war the US Congress
passed the Alien and Sedition Acts.
An estimated 25,000 French had emigrated to the United States,
and Philadelphia had several French newspapers.
Many fled from the Irish Rebellion in 1798 and came to America.
Congress passed an amendment to the Naturalization Act which
extended the time required for citizenship from five to fourteen years
and required aliens to register with a government agent
within 48 hours of their arrival in the United States.
This is the text that became law on June 18:
An act supplementary to and to amend the act entitled
“An act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization;
and to repeal the act heretofore passed on that subject.”
SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That no alien shall be admitted
to become a citizen of the United States, or of any state,
unless in the manner prescribed by the act, entitled
“An act to establish an uniform rule of naturalization;
and to repeal the act heretofore passed on that subject,”
he shall have declared his intention to become a citizen of
the United States, five years, at least, before his admission,
and shall, at the time of his application to be admitted,
declare and prove, to the satisfaction of the court
having jurisdiction in the case, that he has resided within
the United States fourteen years, at least, and within
the state or territory where, or for which such court is
at the time held, five years, at least, besides conforming
to the other declarations, renunciations and proofs,
by the said act required, anything therein to the contrary
hereof notwithstanding: Provided, that any alien,
who was residing within the limits, and under the jurisdiction
of the United States, before the twenty-ninth day of January,
one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, may,
within one year after the passing of this act—
and any alien who shall have made the declaration
of his intention to become a citizen of the United States,
in conformity to the provisions of the act, entitled
“An act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization,
and to repeal the act heretofore passed on that subject,”
may, within four years after having made the declaration
aforesaid, be admitted to become a citizen, in the manner
prescribed by the said act, upon his making proof that
he has resided five years, at least, within the limits,
and under the jurisdiction of the United States:
And provided also, that no alien, who shall be a
native citizen, denizen or subject of any nation or state
with whom the United States shall be at war,
at the time of his application, shall be then
admitted to become a citizen of the United States.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the
duty of the clerk, or other recording officer of the court
before whom a declaration has been, or shall be made,
by any alien, of his intention to become a citizen of the
United States, to certify and transmit to the office of the
Secretary of State of the United States, to be there filed
and recorded, an abstract of such declaration, in which,
when hereafter made, shall be a suitable description
of the name, age, nation, residence and occupation,
for the time being, of the alien; such certificate
to be made in all cases, where the declaration
has been or shall be made, before the passing
of this act, within three months thereafter;
and in all other cases, within two months
after the declaration shall be received by the court.
And in all cases hereafter arising, there shall be paid
to the clerk, or recording officer as aforesaid,
to defray the expense of such abstract and certificate,
a fee of two dollars; and the clerk or officer to whom
such fee shall be paid or tendered, who shall refuse
or neglect to make and certify an abstract, as aforesaid,
shall forfeit and pay the sum of ten dollars.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That in all cases of
naturalization heretofore permitted or which shall be
permitted, under the laws of the United States,
a certificate shall be made to, and filed in the office
of the Secretary of State, containing a copy of the record
respecting the alien, and the decree or order of admission
by the court before whom the proceedings thereto
have been, or shall be had.
And it shall be the duty of the clerk or other recording officer
of such court, to make and transmit such certificate,
in all cases which have already occurred,
within three months after the passing of this act;
and in all future cases, within two months from and after
the naturalization of an alien shall be granted
by any court competent thereto:—
And in all future cases, there shall be paid to such clerk
or recording officer the sum of two dollars, as a fee
for such certificate, before the naturalization prayed for,
shall be, convicted of a willful neglect therein, shall forfeit
and pay the sum of ten dollars, for each and every offense.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That all white persons,
aliens (accredited foreign ministers, consuls, or agents,
their families and domestics, excepted) who after the
passing of this act, shall continue to the United States
to reside, or who shall arrive, or come to reside in any port
or place within be reported and the territory of the
United States, shall be reported, if free, and of age of
twenty-one years, by themselves, or being under the age of
twenty-one years, or holden in service, by their parent,
guardian, master or mistress in whose care they shall be,
to the clerk of the district court of the district, if living
within ten miles of the port or place, or some officer
or other person there, or nearest thereto,
who shall be authorized by the President of
the United States, to register aliens.
And report, as aforesaid, shall be made in all cases
of residence, within six months from and after the passing
of this act, and in all after cases, within forty-eight hours
after the first arrival or coming into the territory of the
United States, and shall ascertain the sex, place of birth,
age, nation, place of allegiance or citizenship, condition
or occupation, and place of actual or intended residence
within the United States, of the alien or aliens reported,
and by whom the report is made.
And it shall be the duty of the clerk, or other officer,
or person authorized, who shall receive such report,
to record the same in a book to be kept for that purpose,
and to grant to the person making the report, and
to each individual concerned therein, whenever required,
a certificate of such report and registry;
and whenever such report and registry shall be made to,
and by any officer or person authorized, as aforesaid,
other than the clerk of the district court, it shall be the duty
of such officer, or other person, to certify and transmit,
within three months thereafter, a transcript of such registry,
to the said clerk of the district court of the district in which
the same shall happen; who shall file the same in his office,
and shall enter and transcribe the same in a book
to be kept by him for that purpose.
And the clerk, officer or other person authorized to register
aliens, shall be entitled to receive, for each report
and registry of one individual or family of individuals,
the sum of fifty cents, and for every certificate of a report
and registry the sum of fifty cents, to be paid by
the person making or requiring the same, respectively.
And the clerk of the district court, to whom a return of the
registry of any alien, shall have been made, as aforesaid,
and the successor of such clerk, and of any other officer
or person authorized to register aliens, who shall hold
any former registry, shall and may grant certificates thereof,
to the same effect as the original register might do.
And the clerk of each district court shall, during one year
from the passing of this act, make monthly returns to the
department of State, of all aliens registered and returned,
as aforesaid, in his office.
SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That every alien who
shall continue to reside, or who shall arrive, as aforesaid,
of whom a report is required as aforesaid,
who shall refuse or neglect to make such a report,
and to receive a certificate thereof, shall forfeit
and pay the sum of two dollars;
and any justice of the peace, or other civil magistrate,
who has authority to require surety of the peace,
shall and may, on complaint to him made thereof,
cause such alien to be brought before him,
there to give surety of the peace and good behavior
during his residence within the United States,
or for such term as the justice or other magistrate
shall deem reasonable, and until a report and registry
of such alien shall be made, and a certificate thereof,
received as aforesaid; and in failure of such surety,
such alien shall and may be committed to the common gaol,
and shall be there held, until the order which the justice or
magistrate shall and may reasonably make,
in the premises, shall be performed.
And every person, whether alien, or other, having the care
of any alien or aliens, under the age of twenty-one years,
or of any white alien held in service, who shall refuse
and neglect to make report thereof, as aforesaid,
shall forfeit the sum of two dollars, for each and every
such minor or servant, monthly, and every month,
until a report and registry, and a certificate thereof,
shall be had, as aforesaid.
SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That in respect
to every alien, who shall come to reside within the
United States after the passing of this act, the time of
the registry of such alien shall be taken to be the time
when the term of residence within the limits,
and under the jurisdiction of the United States,
shall have commenced, in case of an application
by such alien, to be admitted a citizen of the United States;
and a certificate of such registry shall be required,
in proof of the term of residence, by the court to whom
such application shall and may be made.
SEC. 7. And be it further enacted, That all and singular
the penalties established by this act, shall and may be
recovered in the name, and to the use of any person,
who will inform and sue for the same, before any judge,
justice, or court, having jurisdiction in such case,
and to the amount of such penalty, respectively.9
On June 25 An Act Respecting Alien Friends authorized the President
to expel any foreigner considered dangerous.
This is the text:
SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and the House
of Representatives of the United States of America in
Congress assembled, That it shall be lawful for the President
of the United States at any time during the continuance
of this act, to order all such aliens as he shall judge
dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States,
or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are
concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations
against the government thereof, to depart out
of the territory of the United States, within such time
as shall be expressed in such order, which order
shall be served on such alien by delivering him
a copy thereof, or leaving the same at his usual abode,
and returned to the office of the Secretary of State,
by the marshal or other person to whom
the same shall be directed.
And in case any alien, so ordered to depart, shall be found
at large within the United States after the time limited
in such order for his departure, and not having obtained
a license from the President to reside therein,
or having obtained such license shall not have conformed
thereto, every such alien shall, on conviction thereof,
be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three years,
and shall never after be admitted
to become a citizen of the United States.
Provided always, and be it further enacted, that if any alien
so ordered to depart shall prove to the satisfaction
of the President, by evidence to be taken before such
person or persons as the President shall direct,
who are for that purpose hereby authorized to administer
oaths, that no injury or danger to the United States
will arise from suffering such alien to reside therein,
the President may grant a license to such alien to remain
within the United States for such time as he shall judge
proper, and at such place as he may designate.
And the President may also require of such alien to enter
into a bond to the United States, in such penal sum
as he may direct, with one or more sufficient sureties
to the satisfaction of the person authorized by the President
to take the same, conditioned for the good behavior
of such alien during his residence in the United States,
and not violating his license, which license the President
may revoke, whenever he shall think proper.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful
for the President of the United States, whenever he may
deem it necessary (for the public safety, to order to be
removed out of the territory thereof, any alien who may
or shall be in prison in pursuance of this act;
and to cause to be arrested and sent out of the
United States such of those aliens as shall have been
ordered to depart therefrom and shall not have obtained
a license as aforesaid, in all cases where, in the opinion of
the President, the public safety requires a speedy removal.
And if any alien so removed or sent out of the United States
by the President shall voluntarily return thereto,
unless by permission of the President of the United States,
such alien on conviction thereof, shall be imprisoned
so long as, in the opinion of the President,
the public safety may require.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That every master
or commander of any ship or vessel which shall come
into any port of the United States after the first day
of July next, shall immediately on his arrival make report
in writing to the collector or other chief officer of the
customs of such port, of all aliens, if any, on board
his vessel, specifying their names, age, the place of nativity,
the country from which they shall have come,
the nation to which they belong and owe allegiance,
their occupation and a description of their persons,
as far as he shall be informed thereof, and on failure,
every such master and commander shall forfeit and
pay three hundred dollars, for the payment whereof
on default of such master or commander, such vessel
shall also be held, and may by such collector
or other officer of the customs be detained.
And it shall be the duty of such collector or other officer
of the customs, forthwith to transmit to the office of
the Department of State true copies of all such returns.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the circuit
and district courts of the United States, shall respectively
have cognizance of all crimes and offences against this act.
And all marshals and other officers of the United States
are required to execute all precepts and orders
of the President of the United States
issued in pursuance or by virtue of this act.
SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful
for any alien who may be ordered to be removed
from the United States, by virtue of this act, to take
with him such part of his goods, chattels, or other property,
as he may find convenient; and all property left
in the United States by any alien, who may be removed,
as aforesaid, shall be, and remain subject to his order
and disposal, in the same manner
as if this act had not been passed.
SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That this act
shall continue and be in force for and during the term
of two years from the passing thereof.10
On July 2 the House of Representatives had approved the first direct tax on land,
and Adams appointed George Washington to command the army.
On the 9th news arrived that the Delaware commanded
by Stephen Decatur had captured a French privateer.
On that day the Evaluation Act became law and was called the “Direct House Tax”
which was levied on land, houses (based on the size of windows),
and slaves at 50 cents per head.
The tax was progressive with the tax rate of 1%
on a valuable house five times that on a small one.
This tax was expected to raise $2,000,000,
and Thomas Jefferson complained about Virginia’s share.
The federal government’s budget had risen to nearly $8 million.
In the fall the Federalists angered many by imposing a stamp tax
and a salt tax that especially burdened the poor.
In Pennsylvania the auctioneer John Fries organized nonviolent protests
against the new taxes of July 1798 that would become a larger movement in 1799.
Thirty men including Fries would be sentenced to hang,
and on 21 May 1800 President John Adams granted all those
involved in the protests a general amnesty including Fries.
Federalists in Congress held a war caucus on July 2,
and on the 4th of July holiday many people wore black cockades to support them.
On July 6 Congress passed An Act Respecting Alien Enemies which
authorized deporting anyone from a nation currently at war against the United States.
Here is the text of the act:
SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and
House of Representatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That whenever there shall be
a declared war between the United States and any foreign
nation or government, or any invasion or predatory
incursion shall be perpetrated, attempted, or threatened
against the territory of the United States, by any foreign
nation or government, and the President of the United States
shall make public proclamation of the event, all natives,
citizens, denizens, or subjects of the hostile nation
or government, being males of the age of fourteen years
and upwards, who shall be within the United States, and
not actually naturalized, shall be liable to be apprehended,
restrained, secured and removed, as alien enemies.
And the President of the United States shall be, and he is
hereby authorized, in any event, as aforesaid, by his
proclamation thereof, or other public act, to direct the
conduct to be observed, on the part of the United States,
towards the aliens who shall become liable, as aforesaid;
the manner and degree of the restraint to which they shall
be subject, and in what cases, and upon what security their
residence shall be permitted, and to provide for the removal
of those, who, not being permitted to reside within the
United States, shall refuse or neglect to depart therefrom;
and to establish any other regulations which shall be found
necessary in the premises and for the public safety:
Provided, that aliens resident within the United States, who
shall become liable as enemies, in the manner aforesaid,
and who shall not be chargeable with actual hostility,
or other crime against the public safety, shall be allowed,
for the recovery, disposal, and removal of their goods
and effects, and for their departure, the full time which is,
or shall be stipulated by any treaty, where any shall have
been between the United States, and the hostile nation
or government, of which they shall be natives, citizens,
denizens or subjects: and where no such treaty shall have
existed, the President of the United States may ascertain
and declare such reasonable time as may be consistent with
the public safety, and according to the dictates
of humanity and national hospitality.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That after any
proclamation shall be made as aforesaid, it shall be the duty
of the several courts of the United States, and of each state,
having criminal jurisdiction, and of the several judges and
justices of the courts of the United States, and they shall be,
and are hereby respectively, authorized upon complaint,
against any alien or alien enemies, as aforesaid, who shall
be resident and at large within such jurisdiction or district,
to the danger of the public peace or safety, and contrary to
the tenor or intent of such proclamation, or other regulations
which the President of the United States shall and may
establish in the premises, to cause such alien or aliens to be
duly apprehended and convened before such court, judge
or justice; and after a full examination and hearing on such
complaint and sufficient cause therefor appearing, shall
and may order such alien or aliens to be removed out
of the territory of the United States, or to give sureties
of their good behavior, or to be otherwise restrained,
conformably to the proclamation or regulations which shall
and may be established as aforesaid, and may imprison, or
otherwise secure such alien or aliens, until the order which
shall and may be made, as aforesaid, shall be performed.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty
of the marshal of the district in which any alien enemy shall
be apprehended, who by the President of the United States,
or by order of any court, judge or justice, as aforesaid, shall
be required to depart, and to be removed, as aforesaid,
to provide therefor, and to execute such order, by himself
or his deputy, or other discreet person or persons to be
employed by him, by causing a removal of such alien out
of the territory of the United States; and for such removal
the marshal shall have the warrant of the President of the
United States, or of the court, judge or justice
ordering the same, as the case may be.11
Many foreigners left the country before enforcement of these acts began.
Secretary of State Pickering advised massive deportations,
but Adams never deported anyone.
An Act for the Punishment of Certain Crimes Against the United States
was enacted on July 14 and became known as the “Sedition Act.”
This is the text of the law.
SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America,
in Congress assembled, That if any persons shall unlawfully
combine or conspire together, with intent to oppose
any measure or measures of the government of the
United States, which are or shall be directed by proper
authority, or to impede the operation of any law of the
United States, or to intimidate or prevent any person
holding a place or office in or under the government of the
United States, from undertaking, performing or executing
his trust or duty, and if any person or persons, with intent
as aforesaid, shall counsel, advise or attempt to procure
any insurrection, riot, unlawful assembly, or combination,
whether such conspiracy, threatening, counsel, advice,
or attempt shall have the proposed effect or not,
he or they shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor,
and on conviction, before any court of the United States
having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine
not exceeding five thousand dollars, and by imprisonment
during a term not less than six months nor exceeding
five years; and further, at the discretion of the court
may beholden to find sureties for his good behavior in
such sum, and for such time, as the said court may direct.
SEC. 2. And be it farther enacted, That if any person shall
write, print, utter or publish, or shall cause or procure
to be written, printed, uttered or published,
or shall knowingly and willingly assist or aid in writing,
printing, uttering or publishing any false, scandalous
and malicious writing or writings against the government
of the United States, or either house of the Congress
of the United States, or the President of the United States,
with intent to defame the said government, or either house
of the said Congress, or the said President, or to bring them,
or either of them, into contempt or disrepute; or to excite
against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the
good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition
within the United States, or to excite any unlawful
combinations therein, for opposing or resisting any law
of the United States, or any act of the President
of the United States, done in pursuance of any such law,
or of the powers in him vested by the constitution
of the United States, or to resist, oppose, or defeat
any such law or act, or to aid, encourage or abet any
hostile designs of any foreign nation against United States,
their people or government, then such person, being
thereof convicted before any court of the United States
having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine
not exceeding two thousand dollars,
and by imprisonment not exceeding two years.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted and declared, That if
any person shall be prosecuted under this act,
for the writing or publishing any libel aforesaid,
it shall be lawful for the defendant, upon the trial
of the cause, to give in evidence in his defense, the truth
of the matter contained in Republication charged as a libel.
And the jury who shall try the cause, shall have a right
to determine the law and the fact, under the direction
of the court, as in other cases.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That this act shall
continue and be in force until the third day of March,
one thousand eight hundred and one, and no longer:
Provided, that the expiration of the act shall not prevent
or defeat a prosecution and punishment of any offence
against the law, during the time it shall be in force.12
The Sedition Act outlawed “false, scandalous, and malicious” writing
against the government or any attempt to excite hatred of Americans.
Punishment was up to five years in prison and a $5,000 fine.
Only France was named as an enemy country in the law.
The law only went into effect during a declared war or imminent danger of invasion,
and the Act itself was only to last until 3 March 1801,
the last day of the Adams presidency.
The editor and lexicographer Noah Webster was a Federalist,
and he advised strict enforcement to stop libels.
Republicans considered the law a violation of the first amendment
to the Constitution, and most of those arrested and convicted were Republicans.
In disgust Jefferson went home to Monticello.
John Marshall was one of the few Federalists who opposed the Sedition Act.
Abigail Adams often advised her husband,
and she urged him to approve these laws.
In the early 1790s most newspapers had supported the Federalists;
but later in the decade the number of newspapers doubled
with many more Republican editors after 1797.
On 4 October 1798 Vice President Thomas Jefferson completed the writing
of the Kentucky Resolutions that challenged the
constitutionality of the Alien and Sedition Acts.
On December 21 James Madison presented
“Virginia Resolutions Against the Alien and Sedition Acts” to the House of Delegates,
and the legislature and state senate approved them by December 24.
The Sedition Act was used to bring charges in eleven cases involving
83 defendants from 3 December 1798 in Northampton County,
Pennsylvania to 6 March 1799 in Bucks County.
Aurora’s editor William Duane was prosecuted
three times including for bribery in August 1799.
In what was called the “Quasi-War” or the “Half-War”
Congress abrogated the French treaty of 1778 and initiated the Marine Corps.
Congress adjourned on July 16, and Adams left the city on the 25th.
Already people were dying in the worst epidemic of yellow fever since 1793.
Philadelphia lost 3,000 lives including the editors Fenno and Bache.
In early 1798 France had made General
Napoleon Bonaparte commander of all their forces,
and John Quincy Adams in July reported that Napoleon was attacking Egypt.
President John Adams on 22 June 1798 in a letter wrote to George Washington:
I have this morning received, with great Pleasure,
the Letter you did me the Honor to write me,
on the Seventeenth of this month.
Although a Visit to the City of Washington would give me
great Pleasure, and chiefly for the opportunity it would
afford me of paying my Respects at Mount Vernon;
yet I cannot but consider the execution of the Plan,
as very uncertain.
I thank you, Sir, for your obliging Invitation:
and shall certainly wish to Spend as much time as possible,
under the refreshing Shade of your Vine.
The approbatory Addresses, are very precious to me,
as they discover more union among the States and
more unanimity among the People than was expected.
My Administration, will not certainly be easy to myself.
It will be happy, however if it is honorable.
The prosperity of it to the Country will depend upon Heaven,
and very little on anything in my Power.
I have no qualifications for the martial part of it,
which is like to be the most essential.
If the Constitution and your Convenience would admit
of my Changing Places with you, or of my taking
my old station as your Lieutenant civil, I should have no
doubts of the Ultimate Prosperity and Glory of the Country.
In forming an Army, whenever I must come to that
Extremity, I am at an immense Loss whether
to call out all the old Generals, or to appoint a young set.
If the French come here We must learn to march
with a quick step, and to Attack, for in that Way only
they are said to be vulnerable.
I must tap you, Sometimes for Advice.
We must have your Name, if you,
in any case will permit Us to Use it.
There will be more efficacy in it, than in many an Army.13
On July 7 President Adams sent this message to George Washington:
Mr. McHenry, the Secretary at War, will have the Honor
to wait on you, in my behalf, to impart to you a Step
I have ventured to take, and which I should have been
happy to have communicated in person, if such
a journey had been, at this time, in my power.
As I said in a former letter, if it had been
in my power to nominate you to be President
of the United States, I should have done it,
with less hesitation and more pleasure.
My reasons for this measure, will be too well known
to need any explanation to the Public.
Every Friend and every Enemy of America,
will comprehend them, at first blush.
To you, Sir I owe all the Apologies I can make.
The urgent necessity, I am in, of your advice and
assistance, indeed of your Conduct and Direction
of the War, is all, I can urge, and that is
a sufficient Justification to myself and the World.
I hope it will be so considered by yourself.
Mr. McHenry will have the honor to consult you
upon the organization of the Army,
and upon every Thing relating to it.14
Also on July 7 the United States Congress abrogated
the
treaties of 1778 and 1788 with France,
and two days later Adams signed the bill that authorized
naval operations by warships and privateers on all oceans.
In France on July 9 France’s Foreign Minister Talleyrand
wrote a letter opposing Elbridge Gerry’s leaving Paris,
and on July 15 he told Gerry that he wanted peace.
On the 22nd Talleyrand asked Gerry to resume negotiations.
Gerry left Paris on July 26.
On the 27th Talleyrand asked the Directory
to work for reconciliation with the United States.
Four days later they put limits on French privateers in the West Indies.
Talleyrand then recalled all judges in the West Indies
suspected of illegally confiscating American ships.
Gerry believed that negotiation would be successful,
and he sailed from Le Havre on August 8.
John Adams on 13 August 1798 in a letter
to the citizens of Harrison County, Virginia wrote,
With You, I see with infinite satisfaction, that the alarming
Prospect of a War, which is seen to be just and necessary,
has silenced all essential differences of opinion,
and that a Union of Sentiment appears to prevail,
very generally throughout our Land.
I fear however that the distinctions between Aristocrats
and Democrats however odious and pernicious they may
be rendered by political Artifice at particular Conjunctures,
will never be done away as long as some Men are taller
and others shorter, Some wiser and others sillier,
some more virtuous and others more vicious,
some richer and others poorer.
The destruction is grounded on unalterable Nature:
and human Wisdom can do no more, than reconcile
the Parties by equitable Establishments and equal Laws
securing as far as possible to everyone his own.
The Destruction was intended by Nature for the order
of Society and the Benefit of Men.
The Parties ought to be mutually beneficial to each other
and Woe will be to that Country which suffers malicious
Demagogues to Excite Jealousies and foment Prejudices
and Stimulate Animosities between them.15
On August 16 the Directory ended its embargo of American ships.
Adams later wrote this about Gerry:
He was nominated and approved, and finally saved
the peace of the nation; for he alone discovered and
furnished the evidence that X. Y. and Z. were employed
by Talleyrand; and he alone brought home the direct,
formal, and official assurances upon which the subsequent
commission proceeded, and peace was made.16
During the summer of 1798 New York state authorized a loan
of $200,000 from the New York Bank for arms and harbor defenses.
Hamilton complained when Virginia raised taxes 25%
and purchased 5,000 stands of arms.
On September 15 John Adams wrote in a letter
to the Cincinnati of South Carolina,
I rejoice in your approbation of the conduct
adopted and pursued by France.
Conciliation has been pursued with more patience
and perseverance than can be perfectly reconciled
with our national reputation.
At least, if we can reconcile it with our national character
and independence, it must be by peculiar circumstances
that we can excuse it in the opinion of an impartial world—
if indeed, at this day, there is an impartial world.
Posterity, who may be impartial enough to pass
an equitable judgment, will allow that the form of
our government, our late connections and relations,
and the present state of all nations, furnish an apology
well-grounded on equity and humanity.
The French, and too many Americans have miscalculated.
They have betrayed to the whole world
their ignorance of the American character.
As to the French, I know of no government ancient
or modern that ever betrayed so universal and
decided a contempt of the people of all nations,
as the present rulers of France.
They have manifested a settled opinion that the people
have neither sense nor integrity in any country,
and they have acted accordingly.17
While his wife Abigail was ill, John Adams on September 24
wrote this letter to Treasury Secretary Oliver Wolcott:
I have received your favor of the 17th and read it over
and over again, with all the attention I am master of.
The long continued dangerous sickness of my best friend,
and her still precarious Destiny, have thrown my mind
into a state of depression, Agitation and Anxiety,
which will not admit of a full discussion of the various Points
on which, you and I appear to differ in opinion.
I will hint at a few Things, which I see in a different Light
from that, in which you have placed them.
In the first Place, I am under no Apprehension at all
for the Honor, personal Influence, or Character
of the Chief of our Nation, whether he places
General Knox first, or General Hamilton.
If he thought for one Moment that both these Generals
together could hurt his honor, diminish his personal
Influence, or injure his Character,
he would resign his office at once.
This point therefore I hope is settled
between You and me forever.
For his Honor, Influence and Character
have nothing to hope from either.
You are perfectly correct in your Opinion, that
General Washington has never disclosed a Wish
to interfere with any of the Powers
constitutionally vested in the President.
However perfect the Concert between the President and
Commander in Chief, it will remain for time to discover,
Whether such Jealousy, Rivalry and Animosity will not be
produced by the conflicting Passions of powerful Individuals,
as no Authority in this Country can possibly compose.
That is to say, it is a Problem
whether our Constitution can possibly
command an Army and conduct a War.
This Country has not yet heard
the last of Jealousies and Rivalries.
We have already on the list all the ambition of Pompey,
Caesar and Anthony, all the Gallantry of the Court of
Cleopatra, and how much Principle time must determine.
Whether General Washington was or was not nominated
to command the Armies without any previous consultation
or Notice is nothing to the present Questions,
nor has anyone, that I know of any Motive
or Authority to inquire into this Point.
I had Evidence enough to convince me, that he expected it,
that he wished it and that he would accept it;
otherwise I never would have nominated him.
That General Washington, formed a list out of Names
that I had committed to Paper to be laid before him, is true:
that after mature deliberation, he settled the rank,
which in his Judgment the officers in question
ought to enjoy, I do not admit and cannot believe.
It was never the Advice of General Washington
as I understood it that the Inspector General
should be the first Major General.
He never expressed any such Idea to me.
His list contained no such Idea.
When Mr. McHenry proposed to me to nominate him to the
Senate as first Major General, I positively refused to do it.
On the Contrary in the Letter from General Washington
to General Hamilton which Mr. McHenry showed to me
and has never escaped my Memory, General Washington’s
Expectation and Inclination that General Pinckney
should be the first Major General was not equivocal.
And besides He expressly says, “after all,
the whole must depend upon the President.”
Not one Circumstance, ever indicated, that
General Washington’s Advice or Wish was that
General Hamilton should be first Major General:
on the contrary his Expectation and Desire
was clear to me that Pinckney should be first.
As to the Expectation of the Public, and the Desire
of the Public, I have had longer Experience
and better opportunities to know both than you have,
And I am not so clearly of your opinion.
General Washington’s list gave no Command
to Hamilton but as Inspector General.
The Commander in Chief might
occasionally give him command.
It was plain to me from his List that General Washington
meant to leave the rank to be settled by friendly Agreement,
among the gentlemen, or by subsequent orders of the
Lt. General, or by a subsequent Appeal to the President.
I am persuaded that no Personal Considerations
distinct from the public Interest have influenced General
Washington: and I know that none have influenced me.
General Knox is no favorite of mine,
any more than General Hamilton.
I have no kind of Attachment to him or
Affection for him more than for Hamilton.
He never was my Intimate nor my friend,
and has no kind of Attachment to me, more than Hamilton.
If you are not informed, I am, that Knox never served
my Interest, Fame, or Promotion more, than Hamilton.
Nay further I know he has opposed me
more than ever Hamilton did.
Although in the earlier Part of his Life I contributed
more than any Man perhaps, to recommend him,
merely on public Principles to General Washington, Lee,
Green, Gates, Mifflin &c who first promoted him so rapidly.
Knox however went through the War with Honor & Dignity
and is universally acknowledged to be brave, cool,
Attentive, and Able, At all times in War, and good humored
as well as alert, Active and undaunted in the Day of Battle.
I know not why such an Officer
should be disgraced or degraded.
Hamilton has been supported and elevated by Washington,
more remarkably than Knox.
The Resolutions of the Old Congress are not the only
Grounds nor the principal Ground of my opinion,
that as matters now are circumstanced,
Hamilton is the last in Rank of the Major generals.
The office of Inspector General gives no Rank.
The rank of Major General given him in his nomination
& Commission, will give him Rank before Brigadiers, but
after every Major General commissioned on the same Day.
The Rank of Major General and the office
and Command of Major General are different Things.
As the Case now stands Hamilton will rank
after Lee & Hand as well as Pinckney and Knox.
This is not my Intention.
This may be remedied by dating the Commissions
of Lee & Hand after that of Hamilton.
It is true; but if something is not done,
you will find the pretensions of Lee & Hand set up.
I have seen more of General Washington’s letters
upon this subject, than you have or Mr. McHenry;
and in my opinion it would be more discreet to say
less about him, upon this occasion than has been said.
I am not of your opinion that either Knox or Hamilton
will refuse whatever may be their relative rank.
If I were sure that both would refuse,
it should make no alteration in my determination,
for be assured I stand in no awe of either.
Hamilton has not the Smallest Pretension nor excuse
to refuse his appointment, even to the third Place.
Nothing but barefaced ambition and egregious Vanity
can prevent him to decline on such an Account.
You seem to consider, the Affairs as a Measure of
Finance: And if I was fully convinced that the Appointment
of Hamilton would produce Economical Regulations of any
great consequence, it would have great Weight with me.
For be assured there is not a Democrat in the World who
affects more horror than I really feel at the Prospect
of that frightful system of Debts and Taxes into which,
imperious Necessity seems to be precipitating Us.
But if Hamilton & Lee should become the two first,
you will find all your Ideas
of Economical Regulations mere Chimeras.
You think the New England states will not be flattered
to be personified by General Knox.
I think so too.
But will the New England states be more flattered
to be personified by General Hamilton?
I trow not.
If I should consent to the Appointment of Hamilton
as second in Rank, I should consider it as
the most responsible Action of my whole Life
and the most difficult to justify.
Hamilton is not a native of The United States but a
Foreigner, and I believe has not resided longer at least
not much longer in North America, than Albert Gallatin.
His Rank in the late Army was comparatively very low.
His Merits with a Party are the Merits of John Calvin.Some think on Calvin Heaven’s own spirit fell
While others deem him instrument of Hell.His talents I respect: His character,—I leave—
I know that Knox has no popular Character
even in Massachusetts—
I know too that Hamilton has no popular Character
in any part of America.
I have given so much Attention to your Representations
that I have dated the Commissions to Knox, Pinckney and
Hamilton, all on the same Day, in hopes that under the
Auspices of General Washington the gentlemen
may come to some amicable settlement of the dispute.
The Rank of the other Major Generals as well as
of the Brigadiers, must be settled
by the Dates of their Commissions.
I shall do all in my Power to persuade Knox to accept!
This hasty Letter, written, in deep Affliction is fit only
to be private and confidential;
but I hope it will appear wherever yours appears.18
Hamilton had persuaded Washington to make him his second in command,
and on September 30 the former president wrote to Secretary of War McHenry
suggesting that officers with Republican views be deprived of their commissions.
On the same day Adams reluctantly acquiesced to letting Washington
have his way which is what McHenry and Pickering also wanted.
The standing army had been increased from 3,500 to 12,000 men
with a reserve of 20,000 more men.
Bloody Fellow and 40 Cherokee chiefs met at Tellico in October
and agreed for money to cede more land for a treaty that
recognized the right of the Cherokee nation to “exist forever.”
In the Treaty of San Ildefonso signed on October 1
Spain ceded Louisiana to France.
Gerry returned from France, and on October 4
he told Adams that the French and Talleyrand wanted peace.
The Philadelphia Quaker, Dr. George Logan, left the United States
secretly on June 12, and he arrived in Paris on August 7.
On his own he tried to prevent war, and he left Paris
on August 29 with a message of peace.
Logan had prevented the confiscation of property from ships and seamen,
and at Bordeaux on September 8 he received
this letter signed by 14 masters of ships:
Sir,—A habit of trade, of many years standing, with the
United States of America, has, in the late difficulties
between the two countries, enabled us to feel how much
we are indebted to your laudable endeavors to prevent
this country from acting hostilely, after the late occurrences
in America; and how much we are beholden to you
in particular, for the convincing proof of the good intentions
of this government, in taking off the embargo
they had laid on all American vessels.
Pray excuse this abrupt manner of delivering our
sentiments; but as acting for our friends in America,
we find ourselves more particularly obliged—
we feel ourselves gratified in thus assuring you
of our esteem; we wish you a successful passage over
to America, and remain, Sir, your cordial friends.19
The revolutionary Francisco de Miranda of Venezuela wanted to liberate Spanish America,
and Hamilton favored his proposal to cooperate with the English on an expedition;
but on October 3 President Adams rejected the scheme as foolish.
Logan returned to Philadelphia persuaded that France wanted peace.
Washington was in the capital and dismissed Logan briefly on November 13,
though Adams listened to him courteously on the 26th,
the day after he returned to Philadelphia.
Logan advised American officials to respond to good will from France with deeds.
Republican Congressman Matthew Lyon of Vermont became involved in a feud
in Congress against the Federalist Roger Griswold of Connecticut in late January.
Lyon’s soldiers had avoided hostile Indians during the Revolutionary War,
and Lyon was court-martialed and later promoted.
In February the House voted 52-44 to expel Lyon but needed two-thirds.
Three days later Griswold attacked Lyon with a cane.
Lyon fought back with fireplace tongs until they were separated.
The House spent two weeks discussing the issue.
Lyon began publishing The Scourge of Aristocracy and Repository
of
Important Political Truth on October 1 and severely criticized President Adams.
Charged with sedition, Lyon challenged the constitutionality of the act.
Lyon’s trial began on October 8 and was the first one for sedition.
The jury found him guilty, and Judge William Patterson
sentenced him to four months in prison and a fine of $1,000.
The Scourge of Aristocracy reported on December 15 that Lyon was convicted
by “a Judge appointed by John Adams, an Attorney appointed by John Adams
a jury
that was summoned and selected by a Marshal who was appointed by John Adams!”
Lyon during his four months in jail became a Republican martyr and was re-elected,
and money was raised to pay his fine.
The Rev. John C. Ogden from Vermont submitted the petition to pardon Lyon
with thousands of signatures, and Adams refused to grant him any favors.
John Clopton challenged the sedition act, and in the 1798 elections for Congress
he was narrowly defeated by John Marshall who also opposed the Sedition Acts.
George Washington had asked Marshall to run for Congress.
Ten of the fifteen charged with sedition were convicted,
and no Federalist was charged for maligning Republicans.
In the 1798 elections Federalists increased their majority
in the House of Representatives from 57-49 to 60-46,
winning 5 of 6 seats in South Carolina and 5 of 10 in North Carolina.
Federalists were still demanding a declaration of war against France
while Republicans pleaded for peace.
Washington and Hamilton came to Philadelphia to work on organizing the military.
On December 8 President Adams gave this
Second Annual Message to Congress.
While with reverence and resignation we contemplate
the dispensations of Divine Providence in the alarming
and destructive pestilence with which several of our cities
and towns have been visited, there is cause for gratitude
and mutual congratulations that the malady has disappeared
and that we are again permitted to assemble
in safety at the seat of Government
for the discharge of our important duties.
But when we reflect that this fatal disorder has within
a few years made repeated ravages in some of our
principal sea ports, and with increased malignancy,
and when we consider the magnitude of the evils arising
from the interruption of public and private business,
whereby the national interests are deeply affected,
I think it my duty to invite the Legislature of the Union
to examine the expediency of establishing suitable
regulations in aid of the health laws of the respective States;
for these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness
may be communicated through the channels of commerce,
there seems to be a necessity that Congress,
who alone can regulate trade, should frame a system which,
while it may tend to preserve the general health,
may be compatible with the interests of commerce
and the safety of the revenue.
While we think on this calamity and sympathize with
the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason
to present to the Supreme Being our annual oblations
of gratitude for a liberal participation
in the ordinary blessings of His providence.
To the usual subjects of gratitude I can not omit to add
one of the 1st importance to our well being and safety;
I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country
against the menaces and aggression of a foreign nation.
A manly sense of national honor, dignity, and independence
has appeared which, if encouraged and invigorated
by every branch of the Government, will enable us to view
undismayed the enterprises of any foreign power and
become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory.
The course of the transactions in relation to the
United States and France which have come to my
knowledge during your recess will be made
the subject of a future communication.
That communication will confirm the ultimate failure
of the measures which have been taken by the Government
of the United States toward an amicable adjustment
of differences with that power.
You will at the same time perceive that the French
Government appears solicitous to impress the opinion that
it is averse to a rupture with this country, and that
it has in a qualified manner declared itself willing to receive
a minister from the United States for the purpose
of restoring a good understanding.
It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that
they should be expressed in terms which may countenance
the inadmissible pretension of a right to prescribe
the qualifications which a minister from the United States
should possess, and that while France is asserting
the existence of a disposition on her part to conciliate
with sincerity the differences which have arisen,
the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of
the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs
have been given, should even be indirectly questioned.
It is also worthy of observation that the decree
of the Directory alleged to be intended to restrain
the depredations of French cruisers on our commerce
has not given, and can not give, any relief.
It enjoins them to conform to all the laws of France
relative to cruising and prizes, while these laws are
themselves the sources of the depredations of which
we have so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained.
The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects
to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their
cargoes if any portion of the latter are of British fabric
or produce, although the entire property belong to neutrals,
instead of being rescinded has lately received a confirmation
by the failure of a proposition for its repeal.
While this law, which is an unequivocal act of war
on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues
in force those nations can see in the French Government
only a power regardless of their essential rights,
of their independence and sovereignty;
and if they possess the means they can reconcile nothing
with their interest and honor but a firm resistance.
Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable
in the conduct of France which ought to change
or relax our measures of defense.
On the contrary, to extend and invigorate them
is our true policy.
We have no reason to regret that these measures
have been thus far adopted and pursued,
and in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous
and incalculable situation of Europe we shall discover
new and cogent motives for the full development
of our energies and resources.
But in demonstrating by our conduct that
we do not fear war in the necessary protection of our rights
and honor we shall give no room to infer
that we abandon the desire of peace.
An efficient preparation for war can alone insure peace.
It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly
cultivated, and harmony between us and France
may be restored at her option.
But to send another minister without more determinate
assurances that he would be received would be an act of
humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit.
It must therefore be left with France
(if she is indeed desirous of accommodation)
to take the requisite steps.
The United States will steadily observe the maxims
by which they have hitherto been governed.
They will respect the sacred rights of embassy;
and with a sincere disposition on the part of France
to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the injuries
heretofore inflicted on our commerce,
and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle
to the restoration of a friendly intercourse.
In making to you this declaration I give a pledge to France
and the world that the Executive authority of this country
still adheres to the humane and pacific policy which
has invariably governed its proceedings,
in conformity with the wishes of the other branches
of the Government and of the people of the United States.
But considering the late manifestations of her policy
toward foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately
and solemnly to declare my opinion that
whether we negotiate with her or not,
vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable.
These alone will give to us
an equal treaty and insure its observance.
Among the measures of preparation which appear
expedient, I take the liberty to recall
your attention to the naval establishment.
The beneficial effects of the small naval armament
provided under the acts of the last session
are known and acknowledged.
Perhaps no country ever experienced more sudden
and remarkable advantages from any measure of policy
than we have derived from the arming
for our maritime protection and defense.
We ought without loss of time to lay the foundation
for an increase of our Navy to a size sufficient
to guard our coast and protect our trade.
Such a naval force as it is doubtless in the power of the
United States to create and maintain would also afford
to them the best means of general defense by facilitating
the safe transportation of troops and stores
to every part of our extensive coast.
To accomplish this important object, a prudent foresight
requires that systematic measures be adopted for procuring
at all times the requisite timber and other supplies.
In what manner this shall be done
I leave to your consideration.
I will now advert, gentlemen, to some matters
of less moment, but proper to be communicated
to the National Legislature.
After the Spanish garrisons had evacuated the posts
they occupied at the Natchez and Walnut Hills
the commissioner of the United States commences
his observations to ascertain the point near
the Mississippi which terminated the northernmost
part of the 31st degree of north latitude.
From thence he proceeded to run the boundary line
between the United States and Spain.
He was afterwards joined by the Spanish commissioner,
when the work of the former was confirmed, and
they proceeded together to the demarcation of the line.
Recent information renders it probable that the
Southern Indians, either instigated to oppose the
demarcation or jealous of the consequences of suffering
white people to run a line over lands to which the Indian title
had not been extinguished, have ere this time stopped the
progress of the commissioners; and considering the
mischiefs which may result from continuing the demarcation
in opposition to the will of the Indian tribes, the great
expense attending it, and that the boundaries which the
commissioners have actually established probably extend
at least as far as the Indian title has been extinguished,
it will perhaps become expedient and necessary to suspend
further proceedings by recalling our commissioner.
The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the
5th article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation
between the United States and His Britannic Majesty
to determine what river was truly intended under the name
of the river St. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace,
and forming a part of the boundary therein described,
have finally decided that question.
On the 25th of October they made their declaration that
a river called Scoodiac, which falls into Passamaquoddy Bay
at its northwestern quarter, was the true St. Croix
intended in the treaty of peace, as far as its great fork,
where one of its streams comes from the westward
and the other from the northward, and that the latter stream
is the continuation of the St. Croix to its source.
This decision, it is understood, will preclude all contention
among the individual claimants, as it seems
that the Scoodiac and its northern branch bound
the grants of land which have been made
by the respective adjoining Governments.
A subordinate question, however, it has been suggested,
still remains to be determined.
Between the mouth of the St. Croix as now settled
and what is usually called the Bay of Fundy
lie a number of valuable islands.
The commissioners have not continued the boundary line
through any channel of these islands, and unless the bay
of Passamaquoddy be a part of the Bay of Fundy this further
adjustment of boundary will be necessary, but it is
apprehended that this will not be a matter of any difficulty.
Such progress has been made in the examination and
decision of cases of captures and condemnations of
American vessels which were the subject of the 7th article
of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between
the United States and Great Britain that it is supposed
the commissioners will be able to bring their business
to a conclusion in August of the ensuing year.
The commissioners acting under the 25th article of the
treaty between the United States and Spain have adjusted
most of the claims of our citizens for losses sustained
in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having been
taken by the subjects of His Catholic Majesty
during the late war between France and Spain.
Various circumstances have concurred to delay the
execution of the law for augmenting the military
establishment, among these the desire of obtaining the
fullest information to direct the best selection of officers.
As this object will now be speedily accomplished,
it is expected that the raising and organizing of the troops
will proceed without obstacle and with effect.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I have directed an estimate of the appropriations which
will be necessary for the service of the ensuing year
to be laid before you, accompanied with a view of
the public receipts and expenditures to a recent period.
It will afford you satisfaction to infer the great extent and
solidity of the public resources from the prosperous state
of the finances, notwithstanding the unexampled
embarrassments which have attended commerce.
When you reflect on the conspicuous examples of patriotism
and liberality which have been exhibited by our mercantile
fellow citizens, and how great a proportion of the public
resources depends on their enterprise, you will naturally
consider whether their convenience can not be promoted
and reconciled with the security of the revenue by a revision
of the system by which the collection is at present regulated.
During your recess measures have been steadily
Pursued for effecting the valuations and returns
directed by the act of the last session, preliminary
to the assessment and collection of a direct tax.
No other delays or obstacles have been experienced
except such as were expected to arise from the great extent
of our country and the magnitude and novelty
of the operation, and enough has been accomplished
to assure a fulfillment of the views of the Legislature.Gentlemen of the Senate and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I can not close this address without once more
adverting to our political situation and inculcating
the essential importance of uniting in
the maintenance of our dearest interests;
and I trust that by the temper and wisdom
of your proceedings and by a harmony of measures
we shall secure to our country that weight
and respect to which it is so justly entitled.20
Adams recommended a strong defense to keep the country safe.
He said that Spain had begun evacuating its border posts, and a commission
had fixed the boundary between the United States and Canada at the Scoodiac River
and was working on the claims regarding captured American ships.
He asked the French to assure them that any
American mission to Paris would be properly received.
Both the Republicans and the High Federalists criticized the speech which showed
that he was preparing military defense but was not asking for a declaration of war.
Adams met with Gerry, War Secretary McHenry,
and the Navy Secretary Benjamin Stoddert, and they decided
to assign four squadrons with twenty ships to the Caribbean.
In 1798 the budget for the Navy was $1.4 million.
Adams had dinner with Joseph Bunel who represented Toussaint L’Ouverture
and the slave revolution in Haiti, and the President asked Congress to recognize them.
Ohio in the Northwest Territory had a legislature by December 1798.
After spending six months at Monticello,
Jefferson returned to Philadelphia on Christmas Day.
He wrote resolutions which declared the Alien and Sedition Acts
unconstitutional and void and gave his proposal to
Wilson Cary Nicholas to present to the North Carolina legislature.
Nicholas gave them in September to John Breckinridge of Kentucky instead.
The eighth resolution called for states to nullify
any federal law that was unconstitutional;
but this resolution was moderated to a request for repeal by Breckinridge
before they were passed and signed on November 16 by
Kentucky’s Governor James Garrard who ordered a thousand copies
to be printed and sent to the governors and members of Congress.
On December 6 citizens from Dinwiddie County
published in the Richmond Examiner similar arguments in opposition
to standing armies, great naval armament, alliances,
increasing the national debt, the Alien Act, and the Sedition Act.
Madison wrote the more moderate Virginia Resolutions which were introduced
by John Taylor of Caroline and enacted on December 24.
Yet no other state voted for these resolutions,
and the legislatures in the nine northern states voted to reject them.
On December 21 John Adams wrote this letter
to the Pennsylvania House of Representatives:
I receive the Honor of this Address, from the
House of Representatives of the State of Pennsylvania,
expressive of their approbation of my Conduct as
Chief Magistrate of the United States in Support of
the honor and Independence of this Country
with more than common Gratitude and peculiar sensibility.
The Passion of Ambition is in its nature unlimited.
The late wild Projects suggested by it on the
Theatre of Europe are not new.
The French Nation, from their Numbers, their situation,
their Resources, their Bravery Activity, Ingenuity and
Enterprise, have been peculiarly subject to Paroxysm
of this Distemper of the human mind.
The Spirit of Conquest, which has often seized on this
People, has however never taken possession of them
without making work for Severe Repentance:
without involving France in extravagant Exertions and
Expenses both of Blood and Treasure, which have
exhausted them to such a degree as to require
sometimes whole Centuries of Languor & Lassitude
before they could recover their true station in the World.
There has not been a sound Mind in France,
Which has not always regretted and
lamented this foible in his Countrymen.
Nor do I believe there is a Frenchman in the World
at this Day, who is really & truly enlightened with
the Knowledge of the true Interest & honor of his Country,
who does not bewail the Infatuation which is producing
temporary Calamities to other Nations and
must produce more lasting misfortunes to France.
The insidious and malevolent Policy of dividing People
& Nations from their Government, is not original.
The French have not the Credit even of the Invention of it.
It is borrowed from the Great Nation of Persia
who were taught it by the little Republic of Sparta
after She was debauched & corrupted.
France ought to be ashamed of it.
And the World ought to make her repent
of her servile Imitation.
Candor must own that Our Country lies under a Reproach,
which it concerns the Nation to correct, it is that
of producing Individuals, who are capable not only of dark
Interferences by Usurpation in our external Concerns,
but also capable of forgetting or renouncing their Principles,
Feelings and Habits in a foreign Country
and becoming Enemies to their own.
The disgraceful Observation has been made and with too
much appearance of Truth that there are more Americans,
than there are of any other Nation who
change their Minds when they change their Skies.
Scandalous and criminal Proofs of this,
are heard and read almost every Day.
Whether this owing to a want of national character
or want of criminal laws, a remedy ought to be sought.
The Solemn Pledge you give, to cooperate with the
General Government in averting all foreign Influence
and detecting domestic Intrigue, is very important
to the common Welfare of our Country
and will give great satisfaction to the Union.
I return Gentlemen, with great Pleasure my sincere
and earnest Wishes for your health, and that your Care
for the Public Good may continue as I doubt not it will,
and with it the Confidence of the Citizens of
Pennsylvania in Particular and the Union in general.21
On December 23 John Adams wrote on
“The Basis of Moral Obligation” to the Maryland General Assembly,
An eloquent Address adopted by the two Houses
of the General Assembly of Maryland, and Signed on the
fourteenth of this month by Mr. Perry the President
of the Senate and Mr. Chapman the Speaker of the House
of Representatives has been presented to me
by Mr. Howard one of your Senators in Congress
in the absence of the other Mr. Lloyd.
Convinced as I have been, by an attentive observation of
more than twenty years, that there is no state in this Union,
whose Public affairs, upon all great national occasions,
have been conducted with more Method, Wisdom
and Decision, or, whose Results have been the Effects
of a more comprehensive and profound View
of the subjects, than those of the State of Maryland.
I cannot receive the assurances of your entire and
cordial approbation of the measures of my Administration
without a Singular Sensation of Pride and Pleasure.
What Shall I Say to you, Gentlemen on the subject
of the Destruction of Religion
and Encouragement of loose Principles?
I am not fond of introducing this Sacred Topic
into political disquisitions.
But Religion is the Basis of moral obligation;
of the Essence of all Government;
the only Ground of Confidence between Man and Man;
and the foundation of all society.
Without it, the World would be a Universal and perpetual
War of Artifice, Intrigue, fraud, stratagem and Violence
of all Men against all Men.
This at least is my opinion,
though I shall not persecute those who differ from me.
When Religious Liberty has been asserted,
by invincible Arguments of the soundest Divines
as well as the Philosophers of this Century and the last.
When every Engine of Wit, satyr, Humor and Ridicule
have been employed to discountenance Intolerance,
is the whole to terminate in a cruel
and Sanguinary Persecution of all Religion?
In the Annihilation of all the Sacred foundations
of Morality, Government and Society?
America will not, I trust, be willing to be converted
into a perfect Bedlam, whatever
other Part of the World may wish it.
At the time when under every discouragement
I was called by the Suffrages of very little more than half
the Nation to the Presidency of the General Government,
I was fully aware of the Dangers that surrounded Us,
and of the Perplexities that awaited my Administration.
A Responsibility presented itself before me, enough to have
appalled a heart possessed of more Fortitude than mine.
But as the Course of my Life had led me for twenty years
through Scenes, which afforded me, perhaps more
than any other American, opportunities of weighing the
probable Effects of the Spasms, Convulsions and Agonies
of a great Nation in the Center of Europe,
broke loose from all restraint, I thought it might be
as difficult for me as for any other,
to excuse myself from the Trial.
The affectionate and ardent Support I have received
from my Fellow Citizens has appeared much earlier
and more unanimous than
my most Sanguine hopes had ever anticipated.
In the generous and general declarations of satisfaction and
Approbation of my Fellow Citizens in all Parts of the Union,
I have received a Reward, which I esteem
above all Considerations in this Life.
Nothing of the kind has excited my Gratitude
more sincerely than this magnanimous Address
of the General Assembly of Maryland.
Most cordially I wish you all Health and Happiness.22
In late December a report of an incident off Havana involving the impressment
of Americans by a warship persuaded President Adams to write this document
for Secretary Stoddert to circulate to the commanders of his naval ships:
It is the positive command of the president, that
on no pretense whatever, you permit the public vessel
of war under your command, to be detained, or searched,
nor any of the officers or men belonging to her,
to be taken from her, by the ships of vessels of
any foreign nation, so long as you are in a capacity
to repel such outrage on the honor of the American flag:—
If force should be exerted to compel your submission,
you are to resist that force to the utmost of your power—
and when overpowered by superior force, you are to strike
your flag and thus yield your vessel as well as your men—
but never your men without your vessel.23
Notes
1. John Adams Writings from the New Nation 1784-1826, p. 359-360.
2. Criminal Dissent: Prosecutions Under the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798
by Wendell Bird, p. 23.
3. Ibid.
4. John Adams Writings from the New Nation 1784-1826, p. 361-362.
5. Ibid., p. 363-364.
6. The Suppressed History of the Administration of John Adams (from 1797 to 1801)
by John Wood, p. 182.
7. Ibid., p. 182-183.
8. Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 26 May 1798 (Online)
9. Naturalization Act of 1798 (Online)
10. Alien Friends Act (Online)
11. Alien Enemies Act (1798) Archives (Online)
12. Sedition Act of 1798 (Online)
13. The Works of John Adams: Second President of the United States, Volume 8
by Charles Francis Adams, p. 572-573.
14. John Adams Writings from the New Nation 1784-1826, p. 370.
15. Ibid., p. 371.
16. The Works of John Adams: Second President of the United States, Volume 9,
p. 287.
17. Ibid., p. 222-223.
18. John Adams Writings from the New Nation 1784-1826, p. 373-377.
19. The Suppressed History of the Administration of John Adams (from 1797 to 1801)
by John Wood, p. 193.
20. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1908 Volume 1
ed. James D. Richardson, p. 271-275.
21. John Adams Writings from the New Nation 1784-1826, p. 378-379.
22. Ibid., p. 379-381.
23. Stoddert’s War: Naval Operations During the Quasi-War with France, 1798-1801
by Michael A. Palmer, p. 63-64.
This work has not yet been published as a book, and all the chapters are free in this website.