John Adams left Amsterdam in January 1781.
Congress made him their envoy to the Dutch,
and he received the commission on February 25.
He became the ambassador and presented his 16-page
memorial at The Hague on April 19.
The Dutch were afraid of attacks on their shipping by the British,
and they would not consider aiding the United States.
On May 4 Adams gave a copy of his Memorial to the President
of the States-General which had been published in English, French, and Dutch.
Thousands of copies were printed, and newspapers were given the text. This is it:
The Subscriber has the Honor to propose to your High
Mightinesses, that the United States of America,
in Congress Assembled, have lately thought fit to send him
a Commission (with full Powers and Instructions)
to confer with your High Mightinesses, concerning
a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, an authentic Copy
of which he has the Honor to annex to this Memorial.
At the Times, when the Treaties between this Republic
and the Crown of Great Britain, were made, the People,
who now compose the United States of America,
were a Part of the English Nation; as such,
Allies of the Republic, and Parties to those Treaties;
entitled to all their Benefits,
and cheerfully submitting to all their Obligations.
It is true, that when the British Administration,
renouncing the ancient Character of Englishmen
for Generosity, Justice and Humanity, conceived the design
of subverting the political Systems of the Colonies;
depriving them of the Rights and Liberties of Englishmen,
and reducing them to the worst of all Forms of Government;
starving the People, by blockading the Ports
and cutting off their Fisheries and Commerce;
sending Fleets and Armies to destroy every Principle
and Sentiment of Liberty, and to consume their Habitations
and their Lives; making Contracts for foreign Troops
and Alliances with savage Nations to assist them
in their Enterprise; casting, formally, by Act of Parliament,
three Millions of People at once out of the Protection
of the Crown: then, and not ’till then, did the
United States of America, in Congress Assembled,
pass that memorable Act, by which
they assumed an equal Station among the Nations.
This immortal Declaration, of the fourth of July
one thousand seven hundred and seventy six,
when America was invaded by a hundred Vessels of War,
and, according to Estimates laid before Parliament,
by fifty five thousand of veteran Troops, was not the Effect
of any sudden Passion, or Enthusiasm; but a Measure,
which had been long in deliberation among the People,
maturely discussed in some hundreds of popular
Assemblies, and by public Writings in all the States:
it was a Measure, which Congress did not adopt, until they
had received the positive Instructions of their Constituents:
it was then unanimously adopted by Congress,
subscribed by all its Members, transmitted to the Assemblies
of the several States, and by them respectively accepted,
ratified and recorded among their Archives:
so that no Decree, Edict, Statute, Placard or fundamental
Law of any Nation was ever made with more Solemnity,
or with more Unanimity or Cordiality adopted,
as the Act and Consent of the whole People, than this:
and it has been held sacred to this day by every State
with such unshaken Firmness, that not even the smallest
has ever been induced to depart from it;
although the English have wasted many Millions, and
vast Fleets and Armies in the vain Attempt to invalidate it.
On the contrary, each of the thirteen States has instituted
a Form of Government for itself, under the Authority of the
People; has erected its Legislature in the several Branches;
its Executive Authority with all its Offices; its Judiciary
Departments and Judges; its Army, Militia, Revenue,
and some of them their Navy; and all these Departments
of Government have been regularly and constitutionally
organized under the associated Superintendence
of Congress, now these five Years, and have
acquired a Consistency, Solidity and Activity,
equal to the oldest and most established Governments.
It is true, that in some Speeches and Writings of the English
it is still contended, that the People of America are still
in Principle and Affection with them: but these Assertions
are made against such evident Truth and Demonstration,
that it is surprising they should find
at this day one Believer in the World.
One may appeal to the Writings and recorded Speeches
of the English for the last seventeen Years to show,
that similar Misrepresentations have been incessantly
repeated through that whole Period, and that the Conclusion
of every Year has in fact confuted the confident Assertions
and Predictions of the beginning of it.
The Subscriber begs Leave to say from his own Knowledge
of the People of America, (and he has a better right
to obtain Credit, because he has better Opportunities
to know than any Briton whatsoever)
that they are unalterably determined
to maintain their Independence.
He confesses, that notwithstanding his Confidence
through his whole Life in the virtuous Sentiments
and Uniformity of Character among his Countrymen,
their Unanimity has surprised him: that all the Power, Arts,
Intrigues and Bribes, which have been employed
in the several States, should have seduced
from the Standard of Virtue so contemptible a few,
is more fortunate than could have been expected.
This Independence stands upon so firm and broad a Bottom
of the Peoples Interests, Honor, Consciences and Affections,
that it will not be affected by any Successes that the English
may obtain either in America, or against the European
Powers at War, nor by any Alliances they can possibly form,
if indeed in so unjust and desperate a Cause
they can obtain any.
Nevertheless, although compelled by Necessity,
and warranted by the fundamental Laws of the Colonies,
and of the British Constitution; by Principles avowed
in the English Laws, and confirmed by many Examples
in the English History; by Principles interwoven into the
History and public Right of Europe in the great Examples of
the Helvetic and Batavian Confederacies and many others,
and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the Diplomatic
Body; Principles founded in eternal Justice and the Laws
of God and Nature: to cut asunder forever all the Ties
which had connected them with Great Britain;
yet the People of America did not consider themselves
as separating from their Allies, especially the Republic
of the United Provinces, or departing from their Connections
with any of the People under their Government:
but, on the contrary, they preserved the same Affection,
Esteem and Respect for the Dutch Nation
in every Part of the World, which
they and their Ancestors had ever entertained.
When sound Policy dictated to Congress the Precaution
of sending Persons to negotiate natural Alliances in Europe,
it was not from any failure in Respect, that they did not send
a Minister to your High Mightinesses with the first
whom they sent abroad: but, instructed in the Nature
of the Connections between Great Britain and the Republic,
and in the System of Peace and Neutrality, which She had
so long pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far,
as not to seek to embroil her with her Allies, to excite
Divisions in the Nation or lay Embarrassments before it.
But, since the British Administration, uniform and
persevering in Injustice, despising their Allies, as much as
their Colonists and fellow Subjects; disregarding the Faith
of Treaties, as much as that of Royal Charters;
violating the Law of Nations, as they had before done the
fundamental Laws of the Colonies, and the inherent Rights
of British Subjects; have arbitrarily set aside all the Treaties
between the Crown and the Republic, declared War,
and commenced Hostilities, the settled Intentions of which
they had manifested long before, all those Motives, which
before restrained the Congress, cease, and an Opportunity
presents of proposing such Connections, as the
United States of America have a Right to form,
consistent with those already formed with France and
Spain, which they are under every Obligation of Duty,
Interest and Inclination to observe sacred and inviolate;
and consistent with such other Treaties as it is
their Intention to propose to other Sovereigns.
A natural Alliance may be formed between
the two Republics, if ever one existed among Nations.
The first Planters of the four Northern States found
in this Country an Asylum from Persecution,
and resided here from the Year
one thousand six hundred and eight to the Year
one thousand six hundred and twenty,
twelve Years preceding their Migration.
They ever entertained, and have transmitted to Posterity,
a grateful Remembrance of that Protection and Hospitality,
and especially of that religious Liberty they found here,
though they had sought them in vain in England.
The first Inhabitants of two other States, New York and
New Jersey, were immediate Emigrants from this Nation,
and have transmitted their Religion, Language,
Customs, Manners and Character.
And America in general, until her Relations were formed
with the House of Bourbon, has ever considered this Nation
as her first Friend in Europe, whose History and the great
Characters it exhibits, in the various Arts of Peace,
as well as Achievements in War by Sea and Land,
have been particularly studied,
admired and imitated in every State.
A Similitude of Religion, although it is not deemed
so essential in this as it has been in former Ages
to the Alliance of Nations, is still, as it ever will be
thought a desirable Circumstance.
Now it may be said with Truth, that
there are no two Nations whose Worship, Doctrine and
Discipline are more alike, than those of the two Republics.
In this particular therefore, as far as it is of Weight,
an Alliance would be perfectly natural.
A Similarity in the Forms of Government is usually
considered as another Circumstance, which renders
Alliances natural: and although the Constitutions
of the two Republics are not perfectly alike,
there is yet Analogy enough between them
to make a Connection easy in this respect.
In general Usages, and in the Liberality of Sentiments
in those momentous Points, the Freedom of Inquiry,
the Right of private Judgment and the Liberty of Conscience,
of so much Importance to be supported in the World,
and imparted to all Mankind, and which at this Hour
are in more danger from Great Britain,
and that intolerant Spirit which is secretly fermenting there,
than from any other Quarter, the two Nations
resemble each other more than any others.
The Originals of the two Republics are so much alike,
that the History of one seems but a Transcript
from that of the other: so that every Dutchman,
instructed in the Subject, must pronounce the
American Revolution just and necessary, or pass a Censure
upon the greatest Actions of his immortal Ancestors;
Actions which have been approved and applauded
by Mankind, and justified by the Decision of Heaven.
But the Circumstance, which, perhaps in this Age,
has stronger Influence than any other in the formation
of Friendships between Nations, is the great and growing
Interest of Commerce; of the whole System of which
through the Globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect
Masters for me to say anything that is not familiarly known.
It may not however be amiss to hint, that the central
Situation of this Country; her extensive Navigation;
her Possessions in the East and West Indies;
the Intelligence of her Merchants; the Number of her
Capitalists and the Riches of her Funds,
render a Connection with her desirable to America.
And on the other Hand, the Abundance and Variety of the
Productions of America; the Materials of Manufactures,
Navigation and Commerce; the vast Demand
and Consumption of the Manufactures of Europe,
of Merchandizes from the Baltic, and from the East Indies,
and the Situation of the Dutch Possessions
in the West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt,
that a Connection with the United States
would be useful to this Republic.
The English are so sensible of this, that, notwithstanding all
their Professions of Friendship, they have considered
this Nation as their Rival in the American Trade:
a Sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe
Act of Navigation, as injurious to the Commerce and Naval
Power of this Country, as it was both to the Trade
and the Rights of the Colonists.
There is now an Opportunity offered
to both to shake off this Shackle forever.
If any Consideration whatever could have prevailed with the
English to have avoided a War with your High Mightinesses,
it would have been an Apprehension of an Alliance
between the two Republics: and it is easy to foresee,
that nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a Peace
than such a Connection once completely formed.
It is needless to point out particularly, what Advantages
might be derived to the Possessions of the Republic
in the West Indies, from a Trade opened, protected and
encouraged between them and the Continent of America:
or what Profits might be made by the East India Company
by carrying their Effects directly to the American Market:
how much even the Trade of the Baltic might be secured
and extended by a free Intercourse with America, which has
ever had so large a Demand, and will have more for Hemp,
Cordage, Sail Cloth and other Articles of that Commerce:
how much the national Navigation would be benefited
by building and purchasing Ships there:
how much the Number of Seamen might be increased,
or how much Advantage to both Countries to have their
Ports mutually opened to their Men of War
and Privateers and their Prizes.
If therefore an Analogy of Religion, Government, Original,
Manners and the most extensive and lasting Commercial
Interests can form a Ground and an Invitation to political
Connection, the Subscriber flatters himself, that in all these
Particulars, the Union is so obviously natural, that there
has seldom been a more distinct Designation of Providence
to any two distant Nations to unite themselves together.
It is further submitted to the Wisdom and Humanity
of your High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly
for the Good of Mankind, that the Powers of Europe,
who are convinced of the Justice of the American Cause
(and where is one to be found that is not?)
should make haste to acknowledge the Independence
of the United States, and form equitable Treaties with them,
as the surest Means of convincing Great Britain
of the Impracticability of her Pursuits: whether the late
Marine Treaty, concerning the Rights of neutral Vessels,
noble and useful as it is, can be established against
Great Britain, who never will adopt it nor submit to it but
from Necessity, without the Independence of America:
whether the Return of America, with her Nurseries
of Seamen and Magazines of Materials for Navigation
and Commerce, to the Domination and Monopoly
of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put
the Possessions of other Nations beyond Seas wholly
in the Power of that enormous Empire, which has long
been governed wholly by the feeling of its own Power;
at least without a proportional Attention
to Justice, Humanity or Decency.
When it is obvious and certain that the Americans
are not inclined to submit again to the British Government
on one hand, and that the Powers of Europe ought not
and could not with Safety consent to it, if they were,
on the other: why should a Source of Contention
be left open for future Contingencies to involve the Nations
of Europe in still more Bloodshed; when, by one decisive
Step of the Maritime Powers, in making Treaties with
a Nation long in Possession of Sovereignty,
by Right and in Fact, it might be closed.
The Example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped,
be followed by all the Maritime Powers, especially those,
which are Parties to the late Marine Treaty:
nor can an Apprehension, that the Independence of America
would be injurious to the Trade
of the Baltic be any Objection.
This Jealousy is so groundless,
that the reverse would happen.
The Freight and Insurance in Voyages across the Atlantic
are so high, and the Price of Labor so dear in America,
that Tar, Pitch, Turpentine and Ship Timber can never be
transported to Europe at so cheap a Rate, as it has been
and will be afforded by Countries round the Baltic.
This Commerce was supported by the English
before the Revolution with difficulty,
and not without large Parliamentary Bounties.
Of Hemp, Cordage and Sail Cloth, there will not probably
be a Sufficiency raised in America for her own Consumption
in many Centuries, for the plainest of all Reasons,
because those Articles can be imported from Amsterdam,
or even from Petersburg or Archangel
cheaper than they can be raised at Home.
America will therefore be for Ages a Market
for these Articles of the Baltic Trade.
Nor is there more Solidity in another Supposition,
propagated by the English to prevent other Nations
from pursuing their true Interests, that other Colonies
will follow the Example of the United States.
Those Powers, which have as large Possessions
as any beyond Seas, have already declared against England,
apprehending no such Consequences.
Indeed there is no Probability of any other Power of Europe
following the Example of England, in attempting to change
the whole System of the Government of Colonies,
and reducing them by Oppression
to the Necessity of governing themselves.
And without such manifest Injustice and Cruelty
on the Part of the Metropolis,
there is no danger of Colonies attempting Innovations.
Established Governments are founded deeply in the Hearts,
the Passions, the Imaginations and Understandings
of the People, and without some violent Change
from without to alter the Temper and Character
of the whole People, it is not in human Nature
to exchange Safety for Danger,
and certain Happiness for very precarious Benefits.
It is submitted to the Consideration of your High
Mightinesses, whether the System of the United States,
which was minutely considered and discussed
and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the Year
one thousand seven hundred and seventy six,
in planning the Treaty they proposed to France,
to form equitable Commercial Treaties with all the Maritime
Powers of Europe, without being governed or monopolized
by any: a System which was afterwards approved
by the King, and made the Foundation of the Treaties
with his Majesty: a System to which the United States
have hitherto constantly adhered, and from which
they never will depart, unless compelled by some Powers
declaring against them, which is not expected;
is not the only means of preventing this growing Country
from being an Object of everlasting Jealousies,
Rivalries and Wars among the Nations.
If this Idea is just, it follows, that it is the Interest
of every State in Europe, to acknowledge
American Independency immediately.
If such benevolent Policy should be adopted, the new World
will be a proportional Blessing to every Part of the old.
The Subscriber has the further Honor of informing
your High Mightinesses, that the United States
of North America in Congress Assembled, impressed
with an high Sense of the Wisdom and Magnanimity
of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable Attachment
to the Rights and Liberties of Mankind, and being desirous
of cultivating the Friendship of a Nation, eminent for its
Wisdom, Justice and Moderation, have appointed the
Subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary to reside
near You, that he may give You more particular Assurances
of the great Respect they entertain for your High
Mightinesses, beseeching your High Mightinesses to give
entire Credit to everything, which their said Minister
shall deliver on their Part, especially when he shall assure
You of the Sincerity of their Friendship and Regard.
The original Letter of Credence, under the Seal of Congress,
the Subscriber is ready to deliver to your High Mightinesses,
or to such Persons as You shall direct to receive it.
He has also a similar Letter of Credence
to his most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.
All which is respectfully submitted to the Consideration
of your High Mightinesses, together with the Propriety
of appointing some Person or Persons, to treat
on the Subject of his Mission, by John Adams.1
Russia’s Empress Catherine the Great formed a League of Armed Neutrality
that was joined by Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, Prussia, and Austria.
In the winter the United States Congress made Adams their
commissioner to the United Provinces of the Netherlands.
Adams let his two sons go with Francis Dana as their interpreter to St. Petersburg
seeking recognition for the United States,
and John Quincy Adams worked as Dana’s secretary.
Charles was homesick and was allowed to go home to his mother Abigail.
News of mutinies in the army and the traitor Benedict Arnold came from America.
Adams was concerned about the European mediation, and he returned to Paris in early July.
He met with Vergennes and said he would not talk with the
British
until they recognized the independence of the United States.
On June 15 the Congress had added Thomas Jefferson, John Jay,
Henry Laurens, and Ben Franklin to join Adams on the peace commission.
Vergennes wanted Adams dismissed, and that did not happen.
A few weeks later a motion from James Madison led to Adams’ commission
to negotiate a trade treaty with the British being revoked.
Francis Dana had been sent to Russia as ambassador in December 1780,
and Empress Ekaterina (Catherine II) refused to recognize him,
though he stayed in St. Petersburg until September 1783.
After Adams returned to his position at Amsterdam,
he became very ill in August and was told that it was malaria.
He recovered enough by October to resume correspondence.
He hoped that the wisdom of five envoys could bring about the peace treaty.
General Washington and the American army were able to trap the British army
of Cornwallis at Yorktown, Virginia, capturing 7,241 British soldiers.
This victory was the main turning point in the war,
and the Dutch agreed to help the United States.
The French helped by taking away several Dutch colonies that the British had captured.
John Adams was ill until early 1782.
John Adams on 14 January 1782 in a letter to Congress assessed this situation:
These Operations at the Hague have been received
by the Public with great appearance of Approbation
and Pleasure, and the Gazettes and Pamphlets
universally cry against the Mediation of Russia,
and for an immediate Alliance with France and America.
But the Leaders of the Republic, those of them I mean
who are well intentioned, wish to have the two Negotiations,
that for Peace under the Mediation of Russia,
and that for an Alliance with France, Spain and America,
laid before the States and the Public together,
not so much with an Expectation of accomplishing
speedily an Alliance with Bourbon and America
as with a hope of checking the English Party,
and preventing them from accepting a Peace with England,
or the Mediation of Russia to that End
upon dangerous or dishonorable Terms.2
On February 26 the Dutch province of Friesland had their delegates propose
that the States-General recognize John Adams as the United States Minister.
Adams and Charles Dumas bought an elegant house in The Hague.
In the winter Congress made Adams the minister plenipotentiary to the Netherlands.
On March 20 British Prime Minister North resigned, and he would be replaced
by Rockingham whose earlier ministry had repealed the hated Stamp Act.
His government appointed Shelburne who began negotiating with Benjamin Franklin.
Shelburne wanted to separate America from France and Spain
to reduce their territorial ambitions in North America.
Shelburne sent 75-year-old Richard Oswald to talk
with 74-year Ben Franklin at Passy, France.
Henry Laurens was released from the Tower of London
in April and went with Oswald to negotiate the peace treaty.
Laurens first went to The Hague to see John Adams who told him to go to France.
Laurens was so angry at Adams that in early 1784
he considered challenging him to a duel but did not.
The province of Holland recognized the United States as independent on March 28,
and the Adams home became the new United States embassy at The Hague.
On April 19 the Dutch recognized the United States and John Adams as their ambassador.
On June 11 Adams negotiated loans for $2 million
at 5% interest with three banking houses in Amsterdam.
In 5-8 July 1782 John Adams wrote this Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe:
This War has already continued so many Years,
been extended to so many Nations, and been attended
with so many unnatural and disagreeable Circumstances
that Every Man, who is not deficient in the Sentiments
of Philanthropy, must wish to see Peace,
restored upon just Principles, to Mankind:
I shall therefore make no other Apology, for the Liberty
I take in Writing this Letter, not in a public ministerial
Character, but in a private and confidential Manner So that
it is not expected or desired that you should make any
further Use of it, then for your private amusement,
unless you should judge it proper, to take any public steps
in Consequence of it, in which Case you are at Liberty
to make what Use of it you think proper.
All the World professes to wish for Peace:
England professes Such a Desire;
France, Spain, Holland and America, profess it.
The neutral Powers, profess it, and Some of them are giving
themselves much Trouble, by Negotiations and offers
of Mediation to accomplish it,
either generally or at least partially.
All the Nations at War with England seem to be very well
agreed in the Sentiment, that any partial or Separate Peace,
would only retard a general Peace, and therefore
do more harm than good, and this Sentiment,
is past all doubt perfectly just.
What Measures than can be taken, with any plausible
appearance of Probability, to bring about a General Peace?
Great Britain is in a Situation as critical
any Nation was ever known to Stand in.
Ireland and all her foreign Dominions discontented, and
almost ripe to follow the Example of the United States of
America in throwing off, all their Connections with her.
The Nation at home, nearly equally divided between the old
Ministry and the New, and between the old System
and the new, So that no Party, has an Influence
sufficiently clear to take any decided Step.
A Sentiment of Compassion for England may take Place
in Some of the neutral Powers, and after sometime
induce them, especially if any new Motive should turn up,
to become Parties to the War,
and thus involve all Nations in a flame.
America has perhaps the least to dread,
perhaps the most to gain by Such an Event
of any of the Nations of the World.
She would wish however to avoid it.
But the Question is, in what manner?
If England could be unanimous, in the only Plan of Wisdom
she might easily resolve this Question, by instantly declaring
the United States of America, a sovereign and independent
state—and by inviting them as Such to a Congress,
for a general Pacification, under the Mediation
of the two Imperial Courts as was proposed last Year.
But the present British Ministers are not Sufficiently Seated
in the Confidence of the King or the Nation
to venture upon so Striking a Measure.
The King would be displeased, the Nation alarmed,
and the old Ministry and their Partisans, would raise
a popular Cry against them, that they had Sacrificed
the Honor and Dignity of the Crown
and the essential Interests of the Nation.
Something is therefore wanting, to enable the Government
in England to do what is absolutely necessary
for the Safety of the Nation.
In order to discover what that is, it is necessary to recollect,
a Resolution of Congress of the5th of October 1780, in these Words
“Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, attentive to the
Freedom of Commerce, and the Rights of Nations,
in her Declaration to the belligerent and neutral Powers,
having proposed Regulations founded on Principles of
Justice, Equity and Moderation, of which their most Christian
and Catholic Majesties, and most of the neutral maritime
Powers of Europe, have declared their Approbation,
Congress willing to testify their Regard to the Rights
of Commerce, and their Respect for the Sovereign,
who hath proposed, and the Powers
who have approved the said Regulations.
Resolve, that the Board of Admiralty prepare and Report
Instructions for the Commanders of armed Vessels,
commissioned by the United States, conformable to
the Principles contained in the Declaration of the Empress
of all the Russias, on the Rights of neutral Vessels.
That the Ministers Plenipotentiary, from the United States,
if invited thereto, be, and hereby are, respectively
empowered to accede to Such Regulations, conformable to
the Spirit of the Said Declaration, as may be agreed upon,
by the Congress expected to assemble in pursuance
of the Invitation of her imperial Majesty.”
This Resolution, I had the Honor on the 8th of March 1781
of communicating to their High Mightinesses, and to the
Ministers of Russia, Sweden and Denmark residing
at the Hague, and to inform them, that I was ready
and desirous of pledging the Faith of the United States,
to the Observances of the Principles of the armed Neutrality,
according to that Resolution of Congress.
Now I Submit it to your Consideration sir, whether
the Simplest and most natural Method of bringing this War
to a General Conclusion is not, for the neutral Powers
to admit a Minister from Congress to accede to the Principles
of the marine Treaty of Neutrality in the Same manner
as France and Spain have done.
But it will be Said this is Acknowledging the Sovereignty
of the United States of America.
Very true—and for this very Reason it is desirable,
because it settles the main question of the Controversy;
it immediately reconciles, all the ill-disposed Part
of the English Nation to the Measure, it prepares the Way to
the two Imperial Courts to invite the Ministers of the
United States of America to a Congress, for making Peace
under their Mediation, and enables the British Ministry
to reconcile the King and the present opposition to an
Act of Parliament declaring America independent,
and most probably is the only Method of Saving Great
Britain herself from all the Horrors of an internal civil war.
This great Point once decided, the Moderation
of the belligerent Powers and the impartial Equity
of the two imperial mediating Courts,
would leave no room to doubt of a Speedy general Peace.
Without Some such Interposition of the Neutral Powers,
the War will probably be prolonged until a civil War
breaks out in England, for which the Parties there
appear to be nearly ripe.
The Vanity of that Nation will always enable artful Men
to flatter it, with illusive hopes of Divisions
among their Enemies, of Reconciliation with America,
and of Separate Peace with some
that they make take vengeance on others.
But these are all Delusions—
America will never be unfaithful to their Allies nor to herself.
I wish therefore, Sir, for your Advice,
whether it would not be prudent
for the States General to take Some Steps.
To propose this matter to the Consideration
of the Empress of Russia, the Emperor of Germany
and all the other Neutral Courts—
or at least to instruct their Ambassadors at all those Courts,
to promote, the Admission of the United States of America
to become Parties to the late Marine Treaty.3
John Adams in July 1782 learned that Rockingham had died
and that Shelburne was Prime Minister.
Oswald as a friend met with Franklin who demanded recognition
of the independence of the United States, removal of British troops,
and fishing access on the Newfoundland Banks.
Franklin also asked for indemnifying Americans who lost property in the war,
reestablishing trade, surrender of Canada to the United States,
and acknowledging British crimes in the war.
John Jay and Adams insisted on recognition of American independence before negotiation.
Jay became concerned in early September when he learned
that Vergennes sent his private secretary to London for talks.
He advised Oswald that the United States would continue its links to Britain.
Adams was busy signing a commercial treaty with the Dutch before going to Paris.
Adams and Jay were both suspicious of France.
The Dutch approved the Treaty of Amity and Commerce containing 29 articles
with the United States on September 17, and it would be signed by one deputy
from each of six provinces and two deputies from Holland.
On October 8 Adams in the State House at The Hague
signed a commerce treaty with the Dutch Republic.
In the fall John Jay persuaded John Adams to return to Paris because the
British had agreed to negotiate with the Commissioners of the United States.
When Adams arrived on October 27, he learned that Jay and Oswald had signed
a preliminary draft securing the western territory beyond the mountains to the United States.
Adams persuaded Jay and Franklin that the United States should pay its debt obligations.
Jay also informed him that the Congress directed the commission
to follow the guidance of the French Foreign Ministry.
Adams believed they should think for themselves, and he wrote,
I find a construction put upon one article in our instructions
by some person which, I confess,
I never put upon it myself.
It is represented by some as subjecting us to the French
ministry, as taking away from us all right of judging
for ourselves, and obliging us to agree to whatever
the French minister should advise us to do,
and to do nothing without their consent.
I never supposed this to be the intention of Congress.
If I had, I never would have accepted the commission,
and if I now thought it their intention,
I could not continue in it.
I cannot think it possible to be the design of Congress.
If it is, I hereby resign my place in the commission
and request that another person
may be immediately be appointed in my stead.4
Sessions with British negotiators began on October 30.
The main American concerns were granted, and all those
participating on November 30 signed a provisional treaty.
Benjamin Franklin accepted the task of explaining the treaty to Vergennes.
Adams considered Jay the most important envoy, and
he praised his nemesis Franklin for being “very able.”
On December 5 King George III spoke to the Parliament and ordered the offensive
war in America ended, and he even declared the States “free and independent.”
Finally he prayed that the United States not suffer too much for lack of a monarch.
On December 15 John Adams in a letter to James Warren wrote,
This goes with the Preliminary Treaty between the Crown
of G. Britain and the United States of America—
it is not to be in force until France
and Great Britain Shall agree and sign.
When this will be is not yet known; it is Supposed that
the principal Points remaining are Spanish or Dutch.
The great Interests of our Country in the West
and in the East are Secured as well as her Independence.
St Croix is the Boundary against Nova Scotia.
The Fisheries are very Safe.
The Mississippi and Western Lands to the middle
of the great Lakes, are as well secured to Us
as they could be by England.—
All these Advantages would not have been obtained
if We had literally pursued our Instructions,
the Necessity of departing from which
in some degree will I hope be our Excuse.
The King of Sweden is the first Power in Europe
who has invited Us to an alliance—
the Commissioners are Arrived here,
and the Treaty will be soon made.
The other neutral Powers may possibly acknowledge
our Independence all together.—
It is possible, that England herself may advise it,
but this is no more than Conjecture.
The King of Sweden has inserted in his Commission
a handsome Compliment to Us.
Says that he had a great desire to form a Connection
with a People who had So well established their
Independence, and by their Wisdom
and Bravery So well deserved it.
England has been wise to be the third Power
in Europe to acknowledge Us.
Is it my Vanity which makes me believe that
the Dutch Negotiation has wrought this mighty Reverse,
and carried Us triumphantly to the End of all our Wishes?
Without this, the War would have continued for years,
and the House of Bourbon so pressed for Peace
and We so dependent on them that We should have lost
the Western Country and the Fisheries, and very probably
been left in a Truce, in a state of Poverty and Weakness,
which would have made Us long the miserable
satellites of some great European Planet.
It is the Providence of God, not the good Will of England
or France, nor yet the Wisdom and Firmness
of Congress that has done this.—
To that Providence let us with humble Gratitude
and Adoration ascribe it.—
Without making an ostentation of Piety upon the occasion
however, let Us turn our Thoughts to what is future.
The Union of the states, an Affectionate Respect
and Attachment among all their Members,
the Education of the rising Generation, the Formation
of a national system of Economy Policy, and Manners
are the great Concerns which still lie before us.—
We must guard as much as Prudence will permit
against the Contagion of European Manners,
and that excessive Influx of Commerce Luxury and
Inhabitants from abroad, which will soon embarrass Us.5
On 15 January 1783 John Adams in a letter to the Abbé de Mably
wrote these suggestions for writing a history of the American Revolution:
It was with Pleasure, that I learned your Design of Writing
upon the American Revolution, because your other Writings
which are much admired by the Americans,
contain Principles of Legislation, Polity and Negotiation
perfectly conformable to theirs: so that it is impossible
for you to write upon the Subject without producing a Work
which will be entertaining and instructive to the Public,
and especially to America.
But I hope you will not think me guilty of Presumption
nor Affectation of Singularity, if I venture to give you my
Opinion that it is too Soon to attempt a complete History,
of this great Event and that there is no Man in Europe
or America, who is as yet qualified for it,
and furnished with the necessary Materials.
To accomplish Such a Work a Writer Should divide
the History of North America into Several Periods
1. From the first Settlement of the Colonies in 1600,
to the Commencement of the Controversy between them
and Great Britain in 1761.—
2. From this Commencement, which was by an order
of the Board of Trade and Plantations in Great Britain
to the Custom house officers in America, to carry into
a more rigorous Execution the Acts of Trade,
and to apply to the Courts of Justice for Writs of Assistance
for that Purpose, to the Commencement of Hostilities
on the 19 of April 1775.
During this Period of 14 Years,
it was a Controversy upon Paper.
3. From the Battle of Lexington, to the Signature
of the Treaty with France on the 6 of February 1778,
during which Period, of 3 Years the War was carried on
Singly between Great Britain and the United States.
4. From the Treaty with France to the Hostilities between
Great Britain and France, first & then Spain, then to the
Completion of the neutral Confederation and the War
against Holland, all of which Movements at last Unraveled
themselves in the present Negotiations for Peace.
Without a distinct Knowledge of the History of the
Colonies, in the first Period a Writer will find himself
constantly puzzled, through his whole Work to account for
Events and Characters which will occur to him in every step
of his Progress through the Second, third and fourth.
To acquire a competent Knowledge of the first Period,
one must read all the Charters to Colonies,
and the Commissions and Instructions to Governors,
all the Law Books of the Several Colonies, and thirteen folio
Volumes of dry Statutes are not perused with Pleasure,
nor in a short time; all the Records of the Legislatures
of the Several Colonies, which are only to be found
in Manuscript, and by travelling in Person from
New Hampshire to Georgia; the Records of the Board
of Trade and Plantations in Great Britain, from its Institution
to its dissolution, as well as the Papers in the offices
of some of the Secretaries of State.
There is another Branch of Reading too, which cannot be
dispensed with, if the former might, I mean of those
Writings which have appeared in America,
from time to time, Some of which may be hinted at though
I pretend not in this Place, absent from all Books and Papers
to recollect them all.
The Writings of the ancient Governors Winthrop and
Winslow, Dr. Mather, Mr. Prince, Neal’s History of
New England, Douglas’s Summary of the first planting
progressive Improvement & present State of the British
Colonies, Hutchinson’s History of the Massachusetts Bay,
Smith’s History of New York, Smith’s History of New Jersey,
William Penn’s Works, Dummer’s Defence of the New
England Charters, The History of Virginia, and many others.
All these are previous to the present dispute
which began in 1761.
During the Second Period, the Writings are more
numerous and more difficult to obtain.—
There are extant in print, Writings of great Importance
in this Controversy, of the following Persons, who were
all of them living Actors in the Scene at the times
when they wrote, and Persons of great Consideration.
These were the Royal Governors Pownall, Bernard
and Hutchinson, Lieutenant Governor Oliver, Mr. Sewall
Judge of Admiralty for Halifax, Jonathan Mayhew D. D.,
James Otis, Oxenbridge Thacher, Samuel Adams,
Josiah Quincy, Joseph Warren Esqrs. and perhaps of equal
Importance to any are the Writings of Mr. Dickinson.
Mr. Wilson and Dr. Rush of Philadelphia, Mr. Livingston
and McDougal of New York, Col. Bland
and Arthur Lee of Virginia and many others.
The Records of the Town of Boston, and especially
of its Committee of Correspondence, of the Board
of Commissioners of the Customs, of the House
of Representatives, and Council Board of the Massachusetts
Bay Besides all these the Gazettes of the Town of Boston,
at least if not of New York and Philadelphia,
ought to be collected and examined from the Year 1760.
All this is necessary, in order to write, with Precision
and in detail the History of the Controversy,
before Hostilities commenced, comprehending
the Period from 1761 to the 19 of April 1775.
During the 3rd and 4th Periods, the Records, Pamphlets
and Gazettes of the thirteen States ought to be collected
together with the Journals of Congress, part of which
however are yet Secret and the Collection of the new
Constitutions of the Several States.—The Remembrancer,
and annual Registers, periodical Papers published in England,
Les Affaires de L’Angleterre et de L’Amerique,
and the Mercure de France, published in Paris
and Le Politique Hollandais printed at Amsterdam.—
The whole Series of General Washington’s Correspondence
with Congress, from the Month of July 1775 to this Day,
which has not yet been published and cannot be,
until Congress Shall order or permit it.
And I beg Leave to Say, that until this vast Source
of Information Shall be opened, it will be to little Purpose
for anybody to attempt an History of the American War.
There are other Papers of Importance in the offices
of the Secret Committee, the commercial Committee,
the Committee of foreign Affairs, the Committee on the
Treasury, the Marine Committee and the Board of War,
while they Subsisted, and of the Offices of War, Marine,
Finances and foreign Affairs Since their Institution.
There are also Letters from American Ministers in France,
Spain, Holland and other Parts of Europe.
The most material Documents being yet Secret,
it is too early to attempt any Thing like a general History
of the American Revolution, but nobody can begin too Soon
or be too industrious in collecting Materials.—
There have however been already two or three general
Histories of the American War and Revolution
published in London and two or three others in Paris.
Those in English are masses of Party Billingsgate and those
in English and those in French both mere Monuments
of the total Ignorance of their Authors of their Subject.
It would require the whole of the longest Life, to begin
at Twenty Years of Age, to assemble from all the Nations
and Parts of the Globe in which they are deposited,
the Documents to form a complete History of the American
War, because it is nearly the History of Mankind
for the whole Epoch of it.
The History of France, Spain, Holland,
England and the Neutral Powers,
as well as America are at least comprised in it.
Materials must be collected from all these Nations,
and the most important Documents of all, Such as Show
the Characters of Actors and the Secret Springs of Action,
are yet locked up in Cabinets and in Cyphers.
Whether you Sir, however, Shall undertake to give
a general History, or only Remarks and observations
like those upon the Greeks and Romans, you will produce
a Work highly interesting and instructive both in Morals,
Politics and Legislation, and I should esteem it an Honor
as well as a Pleasure to furnish you with any little Helps
in my Power in your Researches.—
I am not able to Say however, whether the Government
of this Country would wish to See any Thing very profoundly
written, and by any Author of Great Name,
in the French Tongue.—
Principles and Systems of Religion and Government,
must be laid open, So different from any Thing which is
to be found in Europe, especially in France,
that perhaps it would be Seen with a Jealous Eye.—
of this however, I am no competent Judge.
Let me close this Letter, Sir,
by giving you a Clue to the whole Mystery.
There is a general Analogy, in the Governments and
Characters of all the thirteen States; But as the Controversy
and the War, began in the Massachusetts Bay,
the principal Province of New England,
their Institutions had the first operation.
Four of those Institutions, Should be Studied and fully
examined by any one, who would write with any Intelligence
upon the Subject because they produced the decisive Effect,
not only by the first decisions of the Controversy in public
Councils, and the first determinations to resist in Arms,
but by Influencing the Minds of the other Colonies to follow
their Example and to adopt, in a greater or less degree
the Same Institutions and Similar Measures.
The four Institutions intended are, 1. the Towns.
2. The Churches. 3. The Schools. And 4. the Militia.
1. The Towns are certain Pieces of Land or Districts
of Territory, into which the Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut,
New Hampshire and Rhode Island are divided.—
Each Town contains upon an Average Six miles
or two Leagues Square.
The Inhabitants who live within its Limits are erected
by Law into a Corporation or Body Politic and are vested
with certain Powers and Privileges, Such as repairing the
Roads, maintaining the Poor, choosing the Select Men,,
Constables, Collectors of Taxes, and other Officers,
and above all their Representatives in the Legislature;
and that of Assembling, whenever warned to it by their
select Men, in Town Meeting to deliberate upon the public
affairs of the Town, or to instruct their Representatives.
The Consequence of this Institution has been, that all the
Inhabitants have acquired from their Infancy, a Habit
of debating, deliberating and judging of public Affairs.
It was in these Town Meetings that the Sentiments
of the People were first formed, and their Resolutions taken
from the Beginning to the End of this Controversy and War.
2. The Churches are the religious Societies,
which comprehend the whole People.
Each Town composes one Parish and one Church at least.
Most of them have more than one,
and many of them Several.
Each Parish has a Meeting house
and a Minister, Supported at its own Expense.
The Constitutions of the Churches are extremely popular
and the Clergy have little Authority or Influence, except such
as their own Piety, Virtues and Learning naturally give them.
They are chosen by the People of the Parish
and ordained by the neighboring Clergy.
They all marry and have families, and live with their
Parishes in mutual Friendship and good Offices.
They visit the sick, are charitable to the Poor, attend all
Marriages & Funerals and preach, twice on every Sunday.
The least Reproach to their moral Character,
ruins their Influence and forfeits their Livings,
so that they are a wise, virtuous and pious set of Men.
Their sentiments are generally popular,
and they are zealous Friends of Liberty.
3. The Schools are in every Town.
By an early Law of the Colony, every Town consisting
of Sixty Families, is obliged, under a Penalty to maintain
constantly a School House and a school Master,
who teaches Reading, Writing Arithmetic
and the Rudiments of Latin and Greek.
To this public school the Children of all the Inhabitants,
poor as well as rich, have a Right to go.
In these Schools are formed scholars for the Colleges
at Cambridge, New Haven, Warwick and Dartmouth,
and in those Colleges are educated, Masters for the schools,
Ministers for the Churches, Practitioners in Law and Physic,
and Magistrates and officers
for the Government of the Country.
4. The Militia comprehends the whole People.—
By the Law of the Land every Male Inhabitant
between Sixteen and Sixty Years of Age is enrolled
in a Company and a Regiment of Militia,
completely organized with all its officers, is obliged to keep
at his own Expense constantly in his House,
a Firelock in good order, a Powder Horn with a Pound
of Powder, twelve Flints, four and Twenty Bullets,
a Cartouch Box and a Haversack,
so that the whole Country is ready to march
for their Defense at a short Warning.
The Companies and Regiments are obliged to assemble
certain Times of the Year, at the Command of their Officers,
for the View of their Arms and Ammunition
and to go through the military Exercises.
Thus, Sir you have a Brief Sketch of the four Principal
Sources of that Wisdom in Council, and that skill
and Bravery in War, which have produced the American
Revolution and which I hope will be Sacredly preserved as
the foundations of a free, happy and prosperous People.
If there is any other Particular in which I can give you
any Information, you will do me a favor to mention it.6
Also in January 1783 John Adams informed the United States Congress
that he was resigning his commission and would stay in Europe until it was accepted.
He also wrote to Congress implying by describing his own experience
that he would like to be the ambassador in London.
In mid-January the British agreed with the French
and the Spanish on the terms of the armistice.
The peaceful Shelburne government was replaced by North and Charles James Fox.
They recalled Oswald and sent David Hartley to negotiate with the American diplomats.
Adams and the other four rejected his terms and insisted on the provisional treaty.
Adams felt neglected and criticized Franklin.
John Quincy Adams came back from Russia, and he went with his father to Paris.
John Adams on March 3 in a letter to James Warren wrote,
I was in hopes that the Peace would have put Us at ease;
but it has not as yet much diminished our Anxiety.—
The long interval, in which we have not been able to obtain
any Intelligence from America, either by
the way of Spain, France, Holland or England.—
The unsettled State of Parties and Councils in London,
where there has been no responsible Minister
this fortnight at least.—
The delay of the definitive Treaty, which it is now given out
will not be signed for some time, as there is
to be a Congress and a Mediation here.—
And many other Causes, leave us
in a painful state of Suspense and Solicitude.
The Revocation of the Commission to make a Treaty
of Commerce with Great Britain, without issuing another,
appears in Experience to be one of the most unfortunate
measures, which Congress ever adopted.—
My Lord Shelburne and his Colleagues had been convinced
by various Arguments, that it was the Interest and
best Policy of the British Nation to cultivate the Friendship of
America, and to allow her the amplest advantages in Trade;
and the Voice of the Nation was falling in with this Principle:
so that if there had been a Commission in being
we should have had a provisional Treaty of Commerce
with Great Britain, signed at the same time
with the provisional Articles of Peace.—
But now there is great danger, that a new Ministry
will come in, tainted with Passions, Prejudices and Principles
as unfriendly to Us, as they are contracted in their Nature.—
If any portion of foreign Influence contributed to the
Revocation in question, the same will undoubtedly be
employed in England; for it insinuates itself everywhere
to embroil Affairs there, and to prevent if possible
a friendly Disposition towards Us from prevailing.
Can We blame this Influence?
We ought only to blame ourselves for giving way to it.—
It is not founded in our Interests, nor in any Interests
that We are under any Obligation to favor.
We are under no Ties of Honor, Conscience or good Faith,
nor of Policy, Gratitude or Politeness, to sacrifice any profits
which We can obtain in Trade with Great Britain,
merely to promote the Trade of France.
It is of the last Importance to Us in a political Light,
that our Commerce should be impartial in future,
and be drawn to no Country by any other Attraction
than the best Bargains.
The Price and Quality of Goods
should be our only Criterion.—
Let the Rivalry of our Trade be free and unrestrained.—
Let Nations contend which shall furnish Us the best Goods
at the cheapest Rate, and Detur digniori.—
This is the only principle, which can warrant Us from too
close an Attachment to one Scale in the Balance of Europe,
which will excite Jealousies in the other.—
Gentlemen can never be too often requested to recollect
the Debates in Congress in the Years 1775 & 1776,
when the Treaty with France was first in Contemplation.—
The Nature of those Connections, which ought to be formed
between America and Europe, will never be better
understood than they were at that time.
It was then said, there is a Ballance of Power in Europe.—
Nature has formed it.—
Practice and Habit have confirmed it,
and it must forever exist.—
It may be disturbed for a time, by the accidental Removal
of a Weight from one Scale to the other; but there will
be a continual Effort to restore the Equilibrium.—
The Powers of Europe now think
Great Britain too powerful.—
They will see her Power diminished with pleasure.—
But they cannot see Us throw ourselves headlong
into the Scale of Bourbon without Jealousy and Terror.—
We must therefore give no exclusive privileges in Trade
to the House of Bourbon.—
If We give exclusive privileges in Trade,
or form perpetual Alliances offensive and defensive
with the Powers in one Scale, We infallibly make Enemies
of those in the other, and some of these at least
will declare War in favor of Great Britain.—
Congress adopted these Principles and this System
in its purity, and by their Wisdom have succeeded
most perfectly in preventing every Power in the World
from taking Part against them.—
I hope I shall not give offence, if I humbly request Congress
to take a review of the original Report of the Committee,
which I think I remember very well as it is
in my hand writing, and of the Alterations made in it,
after debating it paragraph by paragraph in Congress.—
Compare the Plan of a Treaty, which was sent over
by Dr. Franklin, with the Treaty as it was signed,
and remark in how many particulars the distresses
of our affairs have compelled Us
to depart from the purity of our first Principle.—
It is most certain We have now no Motive
to depart farther from it.—
One principal Duty of our Ministers abroad should have been
to keep the several Courts informed that this was our
System, which would have greatly facilitated & accelerated
the progress of our Cause in Europe.—
But the Instructions, with which those Ministers
have been bound, and the artful Obstructions
thrown in their way, have rendered them
much less useful than they might have been.—
I am very sorry to say, but my Duty obliges me to say,
that in my poor Opinion our foreign Affairs
have been very ill conducted.
Had I been permitted, on my Arrival in Paris in 1780,
to open a Negotiation with the British Ministry,
if it had only been so far as to communicate to them,
and if they had neglected to take Notice, to the Nation,
Copies of my Commission to make Peace
and a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain.—
Had Mr. Dana been permitted to communicate
his Commission to the Ministers of the several Courts
to which he is destined.—
Had Mr. Jay, Mr. Dana and myself been encouraged
and countenanced as We ought to have been,
instead of being opposed, obstructed, neglected and
slighted, as We have been in our several Departments,
many thousands of Lives would have been saved,
many Millions of Money, and the War would have come
to a Conclusion much sooner, upon Terms
quite as advantageous to America, more equitable
to Holland, and more glorious for France.—
I must and do most solemnly deliver it as my Opinion,
that French Policy has obstructed the progress
of our Cause in Europe, more than British.—
It is high time that We should be upon our Guard,
and not mistake Evil for Good.
Mr. Marbois has not been alone in his Idea,
“that the independent Party will always stand in great Want
of our Support,” nor in his Endeavors to keep
the independent Party always in want of such Support.
Every Step, which our Negotiations advanced in Europe,
diminished this “Want of Support.”—
It was a Crime in me to wish to do something in Holland
to render Us less dependent on France, as it was
in Mr. Samuel Adams to toast, “May the United States
ever maintain their Right to the Fisheries.”—
But I venture to say, the Authors of this shackling and
clipping System, this enfeebling and impoverishing Plan,
have been very bad French Politicians.—
They have been ignorant of America,
the Character of her People and her Resources.—
They must reform their Policy, or their Master
and his Country will have Cause to repent it.—
They must change their System; and the sooner
they are plainly and honestly told so, the better—
The United States of America are
not a Power to be trifled with.—
There has been too much trifling in many Respects.
There are Intimations of a Desire of Commercial Treaties
and Connections at present in various Parts of Europe.—
The United States have been admitted to dance
amongst the proudest Powers of Europe at a Masquerade
Ball at the Court of Turin, and Portugal has acknowledged
their Independence by the Act enclosed.7
Britain agreed to accept the provisional treaty in August, and the final peace treaty
was signed in Paris on 3 September 1783 by representatives of Britain, France, Spain,
Holland and independent United States of America.
The Revolutionary War for Independence was officially over,
and diplomacy would continue.
This is the Definitive Treaty of Peace between Great Britain and the United States:
In the Name of the most Holy & undivided Trinity.
It having pleased the Divine Providence to dispose the
Hearts of the most Serene and most Potent Prince George
the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain,
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Duke of
Brunswick and Luneburg, Arch-Treasurer and Prince Elector
of the Holy Roman Empire etc. and of the United States of
America, to forget all past Misunderstandings and
Differences that have unhappily interrupted the good
Correspondence and Friendship which they mutually wish to
restore; and to establish such a beneficial and satisfactory
Intercourse between the two countries upon the ground of
reciprocal Advantages and mutual Convenience as may
promote and secure to both perpetual Peace and Harmony;
and having for this desirable End already laid the Foundation
of Peace & Reconciliation by the Provisional Articles signed
at Paris on the 30th of November 1782, by the
Commissioners empowered on each Part, which Articles
were agreed to be inserted in and constitute the Treaty of
Peace proposed to be concluded between the Crown of
Great Britain and the said United States, but which Treaty
was not to be concluded until Terms of Peace should be
agreed upon between Great Britain & France, and his
Britannic Majesty should be ready to conclude such Treaty
accordingly: and the treaty between Great Britain & France
having since been concluded, his Britannic Majesty & the
United States of America, in Order to carry into full Effect
the Provisional Articles above mentioned, according to the
Tenor thereof, have constituted & appointed, that is to say
his Britannic Majesty on his Part, David Hartley, Esqr.,
Member of the Parliament of Great Britain, and the said
United States on their Part, John Adams, Esqr., late a
Commissioner of the United States of America at the Court
of Versailles, late Delegate in Congress from the State of
Massachusetts, and Chief Justice of the said State, and
Minister Plenipotentiary of the said United States to their
High Mightinesses the States General of the United
Netherlands; Benjamin Franklin, Esqr., late Delegate in
Congress from the State of Pennsylvania, President of the
Convention of the said State, and Minister Plenipotentiary
from the United States of America at the Court of Versailles;
John Jay, Esqr., late President of Congress and Chief Justice
of the state of New York, and Minister Plenipotentiary from
the said United States at the Court of Madrid; to be
Plenipotentiaries for the concluding and signing the Present
Definitive Treaty; who after having reciprocally
communicated their respective full Powers have agreed
upon and confirmed the following Articles.Article 1st:
His Brittanic Majesty acknowledges the said United States,
viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina and Georgia, to be free, sovereign and
Independent States; that he treats with them as such, and
for himself his Heirs & Successors, relinquishes all claims
to the Government, Propriety, and Territorial Rights of the
same and every Part thereof.Article 2d:
And that all Disputes which might arise in future on the
subject of the Boundaries of the said United States may be
prevented, it is hereby agreed and declared, that the
following are and shall be their Boundaries, viz.; from the
Northwest Angle of Nova Scotia, viz., that Angle which is
formed by a Line drawn due North from the Source of St.
Croix River to the Highlands; along the said Highlands which
divide those Rivers that empty themselves into the river St.
Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to
the northwesternmost Head of Connecticut River; Thence
down along the middle of that River to the forty-fifth Degree
of North Latitude; From thence by a Line due West on said
Latitude until it strikes the River Iroquois or Cataraquy;
Thence along the middle of said River into Lake Ontario;
through the Middle of said Lake until it strikes the
Communication by Water between that Lake & Lake Erie;
Thence along the middle of said Communication into Lake
Erie, through the middle of said Lake until it arrives at the
Water Communication between that lake & Lake Huron;
Thence along the middle of said Water Communication into
the Lake Huron, thence through the middle of said Lake to
the Water Communication between that Lake and Lake
Superior; thence through Lake Superior Northward of the
Isles Royal & Phelipeaux to the Long Lake; Thence through
the middle of said Long Lake and the Water Communication
between it & the Lake of the Woods, to the said Lake of the
Woods; Thence through the said Lake to the most
Northwestern Point thereof, and from thence on a due West
Course to the river Mississippi; Thence by a Line to be
drawn along the Middle of the said river Mississippi until it
shall intersect the Northernmost Part of the thirty-first
Degree of North Latitude, South, by a Line to be drawn due
East from the Determination of the Line last mentioned in
the Latitude of thirty-one Degrees of the Equator to the
middle of the River Apalachicola or Catahouche; Thence
along the middle thereof to its junction with the Flint River;
Thence straight to the Head of Saint Mary’s River, and
thence down along the middle of Saint Mary’s River to the
Atlantic Ocean.
East, by a Line to be drawn along the Middle of the river
Saint Croix, from its Mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its Source,
and from its Source directly North to the aforesaid
Highlands, which divide the Rivers that fall into the
Atlantic Ocean from those which fall into the river Saint
Lawrence; comprehending all Islands within twenty Leagues
of any Part of the Shores of the United States, and lying
between Lines to be drawn due East from the Points where
the aforesaid Boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one
Part and East Florida on the other shall, respectively, touch
the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting such
Islands as now are or heretofore have been within the limits
of the said Province of Nova Scotia.Article 3d:
It is agreed that the People of the United States shall
continue to enjoy unmolested the Right to take Fish of every
kind on the Grand Bank and on all the other Banks of
Newfoundland, also in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence and at all
other Places in the Sea, where the Inhabitants of both
Countries used at any time heretofore to fish.
And also that the Inhabitants of the United States shall have
Liberty to take Fish of every Kind on such Part of the Coast
of Newfoundland as British Fishermen shall use, (but not to
dry or cure the same on that Island) And also on the Coasts,
Bays & Creeks of all other of his Brittanic Majesty’s
Dominions in America; and that the American Fishermen
shall have Liberty to dry and cure Fish in any of the
unsettled Bays, Harbors, and Creeks of Nova Scotia,
Magdalen Islands, and Labrador, so long as the same shall
remain unsettled, but so soon as the same or either of them
shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said Fishermen
to dry or cure Fish at such Settlement without a previous
Agreement for that purpose with the Inhabitants,
Proprietors, or Possessors of the Ground.Article 4th:
It is agreed that Creditors on either Side shall meet with
no lawful Impediment to the Recovery of the full Value in
Sterling Money of all bona fide Debts heretofore contracted.Article 5th:
It is agreed that Congress shall earnestly recommend it to
the Legislatures of the respective States to provide for the
Restitution of all Estates, Rights, and Properties, which have
been confiscated belonging to real British Subjects; and also
of the Estates, Rights, and Properties of Persons resident in
Districts in the Possession on his Majesty’s Arms and who
have not borne Arms against the said United States.
And that Persons of any other Description shall have free
Liberty to go to any Part or Parts of any of the thirteen
United States and therein to remain twelve Months
unmolested in their Endeavors to obtain the Restitution
of such of their Estates – Rights & Properties
as may have been confiscated.
And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the
several States a Reconsideration and Revision of all Acts or
Laws regarding the Premises, so as to render the said Laws
or Acts perfectly consistent not only with Justice and Equity
but with that Spirit of Conciliation which on the Return
of the Blessings of Peace should universally prevail.
And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to
the several States that the Estates, Rights, and Properties
of such last mentioned Persons shall be restored to them,
they refunding to any Persons who may be now
in Possession the Bona fide Price (where any has been given)
which such Persons may have paid on purchasing any of the
said Lands, Rights, or Properties since the Confiscation.
And it is agreed that all Persons who have any Interest in
confiscated Lands, either by Debts, Marriage Settlements,
or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful Impediment
in the Prosecution of their just Rights.Article 6th:
That there shall be no future Confiscations made nor any
Prosecutions commenced against any Person or Persons for,
or by Reason of the Part, which he or they may have taken
in the present War, and that no Person shall on that Account
suffer any future Loss or Damage, either in his Person,
Liberty, or Property; and that those who may be in
Confinement on such Charges at the Time of the Ratification
of the Treaty in America shall be immediately set at Liberty,
and the Prosecutions so commenced be discontinued.Article 7th:
There shall be a firm and perpetual Peace between
his Britannic Majesty and the said States, and between
the Subjects of the one and the Citizens of the other,
wherefore all Hostilities both by Sea and Land
shall from henceforth cease.
All prisoners on both Sides shall be set at Liberty,
and his Britannic Majesty shall with all convenient speed,
and without causing any Destruction, or carrying away
any Negroes or other Property of the American inhabitants,
withdraw all his Armies, Garrisons & Fleets from the said
United States, and from every Post, Place and Harbor
within the same; leaving in all Fortifications, the American
Artillery that may be therein: and shall also Order & cause
all Archives, Records, Deeds & Papers belonging to any
of the said States, or their Citizens, which in the Course
of the War may have fallen into the hands of his Officers,
to be forthwith restored and delivered to the proper
States and Persons to whom they belong.Article 8th:
The Navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source
to the Ocean, shall forever remain free and open
to the Subjects of Great Britain
and the Citizens of the United States.Article 9th:
In case it should so happen that any Place or Territory
belonging to great Britain or to the United States
should have been conquered by the Arms of either from
the other before the Arrival of the said Provisional Articles
in America, it is agreed that the same shall be restored
without Difficulty and without requiring any Compensation.Article 10th:
The solemn Ratifications of the present Treaty expedited
in good & due Form shall be exchanged between
the contracting Parties in the Space of Six Months
or sooner if possible to be computed from the Day
of the Signature of the present Treaty.
In witness whereof we the undersigned their Ministers
Plenipotentiary have in their Name and in Virtue
of our Full Powers, signed with our Hands the present
Definitive Treaty, and caused the Seals
of our Arms to be affixed thereto.8
John Adams was in London on November 13 when he wrote this letter
to describe the political situation in Britain for the United States Congress:
If anyone should ask me what is the System
of the present administration?
I should answer, “to keep their places”—
Every Thing they say or do appears evidently
calculated to that End, and no Ideas of public Good
no national Object is suffered to interfere with it.
In order to drive out Shelburne, they condemned
his Peace which all the Whig Part of them,
would have been very glad to have made,
and have gloried in the Advantages of it.
In order to avail themselves of the old Habits
and Prejudices of the Nation, they now pretend to cherish
the Principles of the Navigation act, and the King
has been advised to recommend this in his Speech,
& the Lords have echoed it, in very strong terms.
The Coalition appears to stand on very strong Ground,
the Lords, and great Commoners, who compose it,
count a great Majority, of Members of the House
of Commons, who are returned by themselves,
every one of whom is a dead Vote.
They are endeavoring to engage the Bedford Interest
with them, in order to strengthen themselves still more,
by persuading Thurlow to be again Chancellor,
and Mr. Pitt, whose personal Popularity and
Family Weight with the Nation, is very desirable for them,
is tempted with the Place of Chancellor of the Exchequer
which Lord John Cavendish from mere
Aversion to Business, wishes to resign.
While they are using such means to augment
their Strength, they are manifestly intimidated at the sight
of those great national Objects, which they know not
how to manage; Ireland is still in a State of Fermentation,
throwing off the Admiralty Post office, and every other relic
of British Parliamentary Authority, and contending for a free
Importation of their Woolen Manufactures into Portugal,
for the Trade to the East Indies, to the United States
of America and all the rest of the World.
In as ample manner as the English enjoy these Blessings
the Irish Volunteers are also contending for a Parliamentary
Reform, and a more equal Representation in their
House of Commons, and are assembling by their Delegates
in a Congress at Dublin to accomplish it.
This Rivalry of Ireland is terrible to the Ministry.
They are supposed to be at Work to sow Jealousies and
Divisions between the Protestants and Catholics in Ireland.
The East Indies exhibit another Scene, which will be
formidable to the Ministers Here center the Hopes
of England; and it is certain that no System can be pursued
which will give universal Satisfaction.
Some require the Government to take that whole Country
into their own Hands; others demand aids in Cash,
and Troops to the Company: Opposition will be
first formed probably upon Indian affairs.
Public Credit, is the greatest Object of all.
The necessary annual Expense, comprehending the Interest
of the whole national Debt funded and unfunded,
and the Peace establishment, will amount to near
Seventeen Millions: the annual Receipts of Taxes
have never yet amounted to Thirteen Millions.
Here will be a deficiency then of near four Millions a year,
which will render an annual Loan necessary,
until the debt will be so increased and the Stocks so sunk,
that no Man will lend his Money.
The Judicious, call upon Ministers for a Remedy
and will embarrass them with their Reproaches,
but the Stock Jobbers are more numerous
than the Judicious and more noisy.
These live upon loans, and as long as Ministers borrow
twelve Millions a Year, and employ the Stockjobbers
to raise it, however certainly the Measure tends to Ruin,
their Clamors will be for Ministers. an enormous Loan
is the most popular Thing a Statesman can undertake
so certain is the Bankruptcy of this Country.
Opposition will declaim upon this Topic,
but will make no Impression.
The United States of America,
are another Object of Debate.
If an Opposition should be formed, and concerted,
I presume, that one fundamental of it,
will be a Liberal Conduct towards us.
They will be very profuse in Professions of Respect
and affection for Us Will pretend to wish for Measures
which may throw a veil over the past and restore,
as much as possible the ancient good will.
They will be advocates for some freedom of Communication
with the West Indies, and for our having an equitable share
of that carrying Trade &c.
Administration on the other hand I am confident will
with great difficulty be persuaded to abandon the mean
contemptible Policy which their Proclamations exhibit.
In my humble Opinion the only suitable Place for us
to negotiate the Treaty in is London.
Here with the most perfect politeness to the Ministry,
we may keep them in awe, a Visit to a distinguished
Member of Opposition, even if nothing should be
said at it, would have more Weight with Ministers
than all our Arguments.—
Mr. Jay is I believe, of the same opinion.
But we shall not conduct the Negotiation here,
unless Dr. Franklin should come over; indeed if Congress
should join us in a Commission to treat with other Powers,
in my opinion, we might conduct the Business better here
than at Paris—I shall however cheerfully
conform to the sentiments of my Colleagues.
The Delay of the Commission is to me a great
embarrassment, I know not whether to stay here
return to Paris or the Hague.
I hope every moment to receive advice
from Congress which will resolve me.
I received yesterday a Letter from Mr. Hartley,
with the Compliments of Mr. Fox and that
he should be glad to see me, proposing
the hour of Eleven to day which I agreed to.
Mr. Jay saw him, one day this Week.
Mr. Jay made him, and the Duke of Portland
a Visit on his first Arrival.—
They were not at home, But he never heard from them
until my arrival, ten days or a fortnight after.
Informed of this, I concluded not to visit them and did not.
But after a very long time, and indeed after Mr. Hartley’s
return from Bath, Messages have been sent to Mr. Jay & me
that Mr. Fox would be glad to see us.—
It is merely for Form, and to prevent a Cry
against him in Parliament for not having seen us,
for not one Word was said to Mr. Jay of public affairs,
nor will a word be said to me.
The real Friendship of America seems to me the only
Thing which can redeem this Country from total Destruction:
there are a few who think so, here, and but a few
and the present Ministers are not among them:
or at least, if they are of this Opinion, they conceal it,
and behave as if they thought America of small Importance.
The Consequence will be, that little Jealousies and Rivalries,
& Resentments will be indulged, which will do essential
injury to this Country as they happen, and they will end
in another War, in which will be torn from this Island
all her Possessions in Canada, Nova Scotia,
and the East and west Indies.9
Notes
1. John Adams Memorial to the States General, 19 April 1781 (online)
2. The Works of John Adams: Second President of the United States, Volume 7
by Charles Francis Adams, p. 507.
3. John Adams Revolutionary Writings 1775-1783, p. 483-486.
4. John Adams by David McCullough, p. 276.
5. John Adams Revolutionary Writings 1775-1783, p. 527-528.
6. Ibid., p. 532-537.
7. Ibid., p. 549-552.
8. Ibid., p. 691-696.
9. Ibid., p. 597-600.
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