Andrew Jackson January-October 1813
Andrew Jackson in November 1813
Andrew Jackson in December 1813
Andrew Jackson in January-August 1814
Andrew Jackson in September 1814
Andrew Jackson in October-December 1814
Andrew Jackson & New Orleans January 1815
General Jackson February-December 1815
Major General Jackson led an army of 1,071 men toward New Orleans in January 1813.
On February 16 Jackson from Natchez wrote this letter to James Wilkinson:
I Reached the vicinity of this city on last evening
and this morning I received your several
communications of the 6 and 22 January.
I have been much impeded in my progress by
the running of the ice in the Ohio and Mississippi.
The second Regiment that was detained for the want
of Boats reached me on the evening of the 13 inst.
The Cavalry will reach Cantonment
Washington this evening.
My Detachment when united, amounts to
about two thousand and seventy,
fourteen hundred of whom are Infantry.
The amount of the sick, (not having received a report from
the 2nd Regiment since its arrival) I cannot at present state.
So soon as the cavalry reaches me, I will communicate
to you the strength and condition of my detachment and
will enclose to you a copy of my marching orders.
The substance of which is to proceed to New Orleans
and there await the orders of Government.
But from the communication I have just received
from you, will disembark my Infantry and
await the orders of the Government here.
In the meantime I will be happy to communicate
with you on the public safety and defense of the
lower country, and will move my Troops to
any point best calculated for this object.
My wish is to keep them employed in
active service as Indolence creates disquiet.
I have marched with the true spirit of a soldier
to serve my country at any and every point
where service can be rendered.1
Jackson’s letter to President James Madison on 15 March 1813 began:
It gives me pain at all times to record things
that must tend to weaken the support of government
under the present pressure of the war, and when
the misfortunes of our Country and the loss of our
military reputation, requires every nerve to
support the contest in which we are engaged.
At a time when the Bosom of every lover of his
Country beats high in its support, and induced him
to step forward in its defense and support the
government of his choice, at a time too, when
those who were not for us must be against us.
At this very time and with the best possible motives
springing from the purest streams of Patriotism,
the best blood, wealth and reputation of West Tennessee
voluntarily stepped forward to support the Eagles of
their country in the midst of a Just and necessary war
declared by the constituted power of the Government.
The tender of our services was Made through
the Executive of the State of Tennessee.
The flattering reply of Yourself through the Secretary of War
to Gov. Blount and by him communicated to me and the
volunteers under me was dated July 11th, 1812,…
Agreeable to this flattering acceptance of our Services
we prepared for the field at the call of our Government—
to defend hur rights & repel hur Enemies without
constitutional Scruples of any boundaries,
except the will of our Government.
The Detached Militia from my Division of West Tennessee
under the Act of Congress of April 10th, 1812,
were ordered to be organized and held in readiness
Subject to the orders of Governor Harrison.
This order I had promptly executed.
The Detachment of 1400 men, the full quota from my
Division were organized, Mustered and ready for the
call of Gov. Harrison as required by the orders of the
Secretary of War, these being held in requisition
for appropriate service.
Gov. Blount on the 11th of November 1812 called on me for
the Volunteers tendered by me and which were held in
readiness under the & acceptance by You of which I have
no doubt his Excellency has duly advised You.
The 10th of December was the day ordered for their
rendezvous at Nashville it ill comports with my Situation
as their General to say anything in their praise.
But it was the proudest day of my life;
it was the proudest for West Tennessee.
The Weather was inclement.
The Brave the Patriotic volunteers faced the Snowy blast.
They forgot the cold in the Love of Country.
No Murmur no Disorder was heard.
It was Columbia’s true sons who had walked forth,
awaked by the infringement of their independence,
bequeathed to them by their Revolutionary parents—
Sunk to the Grave in procuring this precious patrimony
who were assembling under their Eagles.
We Remained there for our equipment rumors
of Invasion pushed on us to the Defense of the
lower Mississippi before the Supplies arrived.
Without Hospital stores Blankets & but four rounds of
powder & Ball we hastened to the place of our destination
New Orleans where I was to await your orders.
My Letters of the 1st Inst. to the Secretary of War will
show you the advice Received from General Wilkinson
that Occasioned me to Disembark my Troops
at Natchez & remain here for Orders.
On this day I received the enclosed astonishing order
I cannot Believe this thing was ever written
by your directions or Knowledge.
Why I cannot believe it is after inviting us to rally round
the Standard of Country in its defense—accepting our
Services as tendered, and ordering us to the lower
Mississippi (an inhospitable clime) You would Dismiss us
from Service Eight hundred Miles from our Homes,
without Money without supplies and even strip our sick
of every covering, and Surrender them victims to Pestilence
and famine, and if any of my Detachment escape this their
Arms are to be taken from them—they have to pass through
a Savage wilderness and Subject to all there Depredations.
I cannot Believe that you would reward thus the
tendered support of the purest patriots of America,
to believe it would be to believe that you were to
all sense of humanity and love of Country.
At a time too when our United force required to
regain a lost Nation at Character and a lost Territory.
The copy of the order I send you certified.
It bears date a Month anterior to General Armstrong’s
coming into office; I presume it is a Mistake of the date.
After taking into consideration the deplorable
Situation in which our men would be placed by
being discharged, here I have determined to
March them directly on to Nashville.
It has been the usage of country heretofore in other
parts to Discharge detached Men near their homes,
and I have no Doubt Government Sanctions this Measure.
If they were left in this Country without protection & without
funds Tennessee might Lose many of its valuable Citizens.
I hope there will be funds provided at Nashville
for the Discharge of this detachment on its arrival.2
Also on that March 15 Jackson from Camp Jackson wrote a short letter
to James Wilkinson, and this is the beginning of Jackson’s letter to Governor Blount:
I had on yesterday my feelings more awakened,
than I have ever had before.
It was on the receipt of the enclosed extraordinary
Order from the Secretary of War, ordering the
dismissal of the Detachment under my command.
The order was addressed to me at the city of
New Orleans, presuming that I had marched
my Detachment there according to your order.
What do you think of the justice of Government to make
a requisition of so many men, have them assembled in an
inclement season, and marched more than a thousand miles
amidst ice and snow and the dangers of the River, and
then desert them without making provision for their return?
Would you be willing for those brave and patriotic men,
whom I have the honor to command, to be deserted in
a strange and inhospitable country, where there are no
resources to support them and where they would be
a prey to the diseases of this unwholesome climate?
The measures of Government are dictated by policy,
more than generous motives.
If our brave countrymen had been discharged here,
there would have been a harvest for petty recruiting
officers to have taken advantage of their necessities,
which would constrain them to enlist,
in order to get the means of subsistence.
If we have not rendered the Government any
important services, it was their own fault in
not pointing out an object for us.
We have shown our willing dispositions to serve them
by making many sacrifices of our domestic comforts.
Yet they abandon us in a strange country and have
ordered us to be divested of all public property.
There is no reservation, not even a tent
for the canopy of a sick man’s bed.
I have however from the necessity of the case
determined to keep some of the tents and to march
the men home in as good order as possible,
and I will make every sacrifice to add to their comfort.3
Also on that March 15 Jackson wrote this in a letter to his wife Rachel:
On the last night by mail from New Orleans
I received advice from the War Department that
our services were no longer wanted, and I shall
march with my detachment so soon as conveyance
for my sick can be had and portage for my provisions.
I hope to order the line of march in a few days, my duty,
my feelings, and Justice to those brave fellows who
followed me at the call of their country, deserve more
from their Government than what they have received.
They at least deserved by the orders of their government
to have received every comfort for the sick,
conveyances that would insure them a safe return
to their family, their country and their homes.
This has not been the case; it is only by and through me,
that these things can be; the sick shall be taken back
as far as life lasts, and supplies shall be had, although
their Patriotism has been but illy rewarded by an
ungrateful officer (not country); it is therefore my
duty to act as a father to the sick and to the well
and stay with them until I march them to Nashville.4
On 22 March 1813 General Jackson from Camp Jackson
near Natchez wrote in a letter to James Wilkerson:
I have sent on my Aide-de-Camp this morning
before the receipt of yours, to Nashville to procure
supplies to meet me at Tennessee; I shall commence
the line of march on Thursday the 25th inst.
Should the contractor not feel himself justified in
sending on provisions for my Infantry, or the
quartermaster, wagons for the transportation of my sick,
I shall dismount the Cavalry; carry them on, and provide
the means for their support out of my private funds.
If that should fail, I thank my God, we have plenty of
horses to feed my troops to the Tennessee, where
I know my country will meet me with ample supplies.
These brave men, at the call of their country,
voluntarily rallied around its insulted standard.
They followed me into the field—
I shall carefully march them back to their homes.
It is for the agents of Government to account to the
state of Tennessee, and the whole world, for their
singular and unusual treatment to this detachment.
The feelings of the whole state are alive and awakened.
The administration must render a justifiable reason,
why they have singled out this detachment,
whose tendered service they so flatteringly
accepted, as victims of their destruction;
and why they have not been discharged in the usual way.
I tender you my thanks for the General Order issued,
a copy of which is enclosed, for directing that to be done,
which the law secures to be done somewhere.
But as the Secretary at War has given no directions
to me on this head, I cannot now detain my march.
I have notified the President of date the 15th instant,
and forwarded it by last mail, enclosing him a
copy of the singular order I had received.
(I am persuaded he never sanctioned it.) and stating
to him that I would march my men to Nashville, and
there await his orders for the discharge of my detachment.
I know from advice received, our services will be wanted in
the North West; and no act of the agents of Government can
withdraw our attachment from our Government, however
we may be induced to despise the baseness of its agents.
These reasons will govern me in taking up the line
of march on the 25th inst. supplies or not.5
Jackson’s biographer James Parton wrote about
this dueling that occurred in September 1813:
Captain William Carroll had his enemies among
the young officers of General Jackson’s division.
On the homeward march from Natchez, one
wild young fellow of the anti-Carroll faction thought
proper to consider himself insulted by Carroll,
and on reaching Nashville sent him a challenge.
Carroll declined to fight on the ground
that the challenger was not a gentleman.
The officer who had borne the hostile message
then challenged Carroll himself, who again
refused to fight, and for the same reason as before.
The quarrel spread.
Various petty and ridiculous things occurred,
which need not be repeated.
At length the foes of Carroll succeeded in their object so
far as to embroil the young man with Mr. Jesse Benton,
a brother of Colonel Thomas H. Benton, who was away
in Washington, saving General Jackson from bankruptcy.
Jesse Benton, for many years a resident of Nashville,
had a good deal of his brother’s fire and fluency
without much of his talent and discretion.
He was a well-intentioned, eccentric, excitable man
prone to get himself into awkward scrapes,
and to get out of them awkwardly.
He challenged Carroll.
His social standing was such that his challenge could not
be denied, and Carroll was compelled to prepare for a fight.
Unable, it is said, to procure a suitable second
in Nashville, Carroll rode out to the Hermitage,
stated his perplexity to General Jackson
and asked him to act as his “friend.”
The General was astonished at the proposal.
Why Captain Carroll,” said he,
“I am not the man for such an affair.
I am too old.
The time has been when I should have
gone out with pleasure; but at my time
of life it would be extremely injudicious.
You must get a man nearer your own age.”
Carroll replied that if this had been a
quarrel of an ordinary nature, he would not
have asked General Jackson’s assistance.
But it was not an ordinary quarrel.
There was a conspiracy, he said, among
certain young men, to “run him out of the country.”
They wanted his commission and were jealous
of his standing with General Jackson.
At the words, “run me out of the country,”
the General’s manner changed.
“Well, Carroll” said he, “you may make your
mind easy on one point: they sha’n’t run you out
of the country as long as Andrew Jackson lives in it.
I’ll ride with you to Nashville and
inquire into this business myself.”
Upon inquiry, General Jackson was convinced that
Jesse Benton’s fiery passions had been played upon by
the enemies of Carroll for their own purposes, and that
the challenge of that gentleman was something not in
the least degree called for by the “laws of honor.”
He personally remonstrated with Benton
and, as he thought, with good effect.
But others gained his ear and confidence
after the General had returned to the tavern,
and the result was that he persisted in fighting.
Upon learning this determination, General Jackson
declared his purpose to stand by his young friend,
Carroll, and to go with him to the field as his second.
The incidents of the duel were so ridiculous
that they are still a standing joke in Tennessee.
The men were placed back to back
at the usual distance apart.
At the word they were to wheel and fire.
The General on placing his man, said pointing to Benton.
“You needn’t fear him, Carroll; he’d never hit you,
if you were as broad as a barn-door.”
Benton was evidently a little agitated.
Indeed, as he afterwards confessed to his physician, he
had not the duelist’s nerve, i. e., he could not quite conceal
a feeling, common to all duelists when they are placed, that
a man who stands eight or ten paces from the muzzle of a
loaded pistol which is about to go off, is in a false position.
Fire!
The men wheeled and raised their pistols.
Benton fired first, and then stooped and crouched,
to receive the fire of his antagonist.
The act of stooping caused a portion of his frame,
that was always prominent, to be more prominent still.
Carroll fired.
His ball inflicted a long, raking wound on the part exposed,
which would have been safe but for the unlucky stoop.
Jackson ran up to his principal and asked him if he was hit.
“No,” said he, “I believe not.”
At that moment Carroll observed blood on his left hand
and found that he had been shot in the thumb.
“Oh yes,” he added, “he’s hit my thumb.”
“I told you he would not hurt you,” said Jackson;
“and he wouldn’t have hit you at all if you’d kept
your hand at your side, where it ought to have been.”
Benton was carried home, and his wound was dressed.
He was confined to the house for some weeks.
Meanwhile Colonel Thomas H. Benton had completed
his business at Washington, had sent on to Tennessee
the news of his great success, and was about to return
home when he heard of this duel, and heard too, that
General Jackson had gone to the field, not as his brother’s
friend, but as the second of his brother’s antagonist!
General Jackson! Whom he had so signally served.
Soon came wild letters from Jesse, so narrating
the affair as to place the conduct of
General Jackson in the worst possible light.
Officious friends of the Bentons, foes to Jackson
and to Carroll, wrote to Colonel Benton in a
similar strain, adding fuel to the fire of his indignation.
Benton wrote to Jackson, denouncing
his conduct in offensive terms.
Jackson replied in effect, that before addressing him
in that manner Colonel Benton should have inquired
of him what his conduct really had been, not listened
to the tales of designing and interested parties.
Benton wrote still more angrily.
He said that General Jackson had conducted the duel
in a “savage, unequal, unfair and base manner.”
On his way home through Tennessee, especially at
Knoxville, he inveighed bitterly and loudly in public
places against General Jackson, using language such as
angry men did use in the western country fifty years ago.
Jackson was informed of this.
Phrases applied by Benton to himself were reported to
him by some of those parasites and sycophants who made
it their business to minister to his passions and prejudices;
a class of people from whose malign, misleading influence
men of intense personality are seldom wholly free.
Jackson had liked Thomas Benton and remembered
with gratitude his parents, particularly his mother,
who had been gracious and good to him
when he was a “raw lad” in North Carolina.
They had a slight difference at Natchez, these two
hot-headed men; Benton having been of the opinion
that Wilkinson, a brigadier of the regular army and a
major general by brevet, was the military superior
of Jackson, who was only a major general of militia.
But this was a temporary and unimportant matter,
which had not been remembered against him.
Jackson was therefore sincerely unwilling to break
with him, and manifested a degree of forbearance
which it is a pity he could not have maintained to the end.
He took fire at last, threw old friendship to the winds,
and swore by the Eternal that he would horsewhip
Tom Benton the first time he met him.
The vow had gone forth;
a sacred vow at that day in Tennessee.
To all Nashville it was known that General Jackson
had promised to whip Thomas Benton “on sight,”
to use Colonel Coffee’s commercial term.
Colonel Benton was duly informed of it.
Jesse Benton, then nearly recovered from his wound,
was perfectly aware of it.
The thing was to be done.
The only question was, When?
Back from Washington came Colonel Benton, bursting
with wrath and defiance, yet resolved to preserve the
peace, and neither to seek nor fly the threatened attack.
One measure of precaution, however, he did not adopt.
There were then two taverns on the public square of
Nashville, both situated near the same angle, their
front doors being not more than a hundred yards apart.
One was the old Nashville Inn (burnt three years ago),
at which General Jackson was accustomed
to put up for more than forty years.
There, too, the Bentons, Colonel Coffee, and all
of the General’s peculiar friends were wont to
take lodgings whenever they visited the town,
and to hold pleasant converse over a glass of wine,
and to play billiards together—a game pursued
with fanatical devotion in the early days of Nashville.
By the side of this old inn was a piece of open ground,
where cocks were accustomed to display their prowess,
and tear one another to pieces for the
entertainment of some of the citizens.
The other tavern, the City Hotel, flourishes to this day.
It is one of those curious, overgrown caravansaries of the
olden time, nowhere to be seen now except in the ancient
streets of London and the old towns of the southern States;
a huge tavern with vast piazzas, and interior galleries
running round three sides of a quadrangle, story above
story, and quaint little rooms with large fire-places and
high mantels opening out upon them; with long dark
passages, and stairs at unexpected places; and carved
wainscoating, and gray-haired servants, who have grown
old with the old house, and can remember General Jackson
as long as they can remember their own fathers.
On reaching Nashville Colonel Benton and his
brother Jesse did not go to their accustomed inn,
but stopped at the City Hotel, to avoid General Jackson,
unless he chose to go out of his way to seek them.
This was on the 3rd of September.
In the evening of the same day it came to pass that
General Jackson and Colonel Coffee rode into town
and put up their horses as usual at the Nashville Inn.
Whether the coming of these portentous gentlemen
was in consequence of the General’s having received
a few hours before an intimation of the arrival of Colonel
Benton, is one of those questions which must be left to
that already overburdened individual—the future historian.
Perhaps it was true, as Colonel Coffee grinningly remarked,
that they had come to get their letters from the post office.
They were there—that is the main point—
and concluded to stop all night.
Captain Carroll called in the course of the
evening and told the General that an affair
of a most delicate and tender nature compelled
him to leave Nashville at dawn of day.
“Go, by all means,” said the General.
“I want no man to fight my battles.”
The next morning about nine Colonel Coffee
proposed to General Jackson that they
should stroll over to the post office.
They started.
The General carried with him,
as he generally did, his riding whip.
He also wore a small sword, as all gentlemen
once did, and as official persons were accustomed
to do in Tennessee, as late as the war of 1812.
The post office was then situated in the public square
on the corner of a little alley just beyond the City Hotel.
There were therefore two ways of
getting to it from the Nashville Inn.
One way was to go straight to it across the angle of the
square; the other to keep the sidewalk and go round.
Our two friends took the short cut, walking leisurely along.
When they were about midway between their inn and the
post office, Colonel Coffee, glancing towards the City Hotel,
observed Colonel Benton standing in the doorway thereof,
drawn up to his full height and looking daggers at them.
“Do you see that fellow?” said
Coffee to Jackson in a low tone.
“Oh yes,” replied Jackson without
turning his head, “I have my eye on him.”
They continued their walk to the post office,
got their letters and set out on their return.
This time, however, they did not take the short way
across the square, but kept down the sidewalk which led
past the front door at which Colonel Benton was posted.
As they drew near, they observed that Jesse Benton
was standing before the hotel near his brother.
On coming up to where Colonel Benton stood,
General Jackson suddenly turned toward him with
his whip in his right hand and stepping up to him, said,
“Now, you d—d rascal, I am going to punish you.
Defend yourself.
Benton put his hand into his breast pocket
and seemed to be fumbling for his pistol.
As quick as lightning Jackson drew a pistol
from a pocket behind him and presented it full
at his antagonist who recoiled a pace of two.
Jackson advanced upon him.
Benton continued to step slowly backward,
Jackson close upon him with a pistol at his heart,
until they reached the back door of the hotel,
and were in the act of turning down the back piazza.
At that moment just as Jackson was beginning to turn,
Jesse Benton entered the passage behind the belligerents,
and seeing his brother’s danger,
raised his pistol and fired at Jackson.
The pistol was loaded with two balls and a large slug.
The slug took effect in Jackson’s left shoulder,
shattering it horribly.
One of the balls struck the thick part of his left arm,
and buried itself near the bone.
The other ball splintered the board partition at his side.
The shock of the wounds was such, that Jackson fell across
the entry and remained prostrate, bleeding profusely.
Coffee had remained just outside meanwhile.
Hearing the report of the pistol, he sprang into the entry,
and seeing his chief prostrate at the feet of Colonel Benton,
concluded that it was his ball that had laid him low.
He rushed upon Benton, drew his pistol, and was
about to strike, when Colonel Benton in stepping
backward came to some stairs of which he was
not aware and fell headlong to the bottom.
Coffee, thinking him hors de combat, hastened
to the assistance of his wounded General.
The report of Jesse Benton’s pistol brought another
actor on the bloody scene—Stokely Hays, a nephew
of Mrs. Jackson, and a devoted friend to the General.
He was standing near the Nashville Inn,
when he heard the pistol.
He knew well what was going forward
and ran with all his speed to the spot.
He too saw the General lying on the floor
weltering in his blood.
But, unlike Coffee, he perceived who it was
that had fired the deadly charge.
Hays was a man of a giant’s size and a giant’s strength.
He snatched from his sword-cane its long and glittering
blade, and made a lunge at Jesse with such frantic force,
that it would have pinned him to the wall had it taken effect.
Luckily the point struck a button,
and the slender weapon was broken to pieces.
He then drew a dirk (dagger) threw himself in a paroxysm
of fury upon Jesse and got him down upon the floor.
Holding him down with one hand,
he raised the dirk to plunge it into his breast.
The prostrate man seized the coat-cuff of the
descending arm and diverted the blow, so that
the weapon only pierced the fleshy part of his left arm.
Hays strove madly to disengage his arm, and
in doing so gave poor Jesse several flesh wounds.
At length with a mighty wrench he tore his cuff
from Jesse Benton’s convulsive grasp, lifted the dirk
high in the air and was about to bury it in the heart
of his antagonist, when a bystander caught the
uplifted hand and prevented the further shedding of blood.
Other by-standers then interfered; the maddened Hays,
the wrathful Coffee, the irate Benton were held back
from continuing the combat, and quiet was restored.
Faint from the loss of blood, Jackson was conveyed to a
room in the Nashville Inn, his wound still bleeding fearfully.
Before the bleeding could be stopped, two mattresses,
as Mrs. Jackson used to say, were soaked through,
and the General was reduced almost to his last gasp.
All the doctors in Nashville were soon in attendance,
all but one of whom, and he a young man,
recommended the amputation of the shattered arm.
“I’ll keep my arm,” said the wounded man, and he kept it.
No attempt was made to extract the ball,
and it remained in the arm for twenty years.
The ghastly wounds in the shoulder were dressed in
the simple manner of the Indians and pioneers with
poultices of slippery elm and other products of the woods.
The patient was utterly prostrated with the loss of blood.
It was two or three weeks before he could leave his bed.
After the retirement of the General’s friends,
the Bentons remained for an hour or more upon
the scene of the affray, denouncing Jackson
as an assassin and a defeated assassin.
They defied him to come forth and renew the strife.
Colonel Benton made a parade of breaking Jackson’s
small-sword, which had been dropped in the
struggle and left on the floor of the hotel.
He broke it in the public square and accompanied
the act with words defiant and contemptuous,
uttered in the loudest tones of his thundering voice.
The General’s friends, all anxiously engaged
around the couch of their bleeding chief,
disregarded these demonstrations at the time,
and the brothers retired, victorious and exulting.
On the days following, however, Colonel Benton
did not find the General’s partisans so acquiescent.
“I am literally in hell here,” he wrote, shortly after the fight;
“the meanest wretches under heaven to contend with—
liars, affidavit-makers, and shameless cowards.
All the puppies of Jackson are at work on me;
but they will be astonished at what will happen; for it is
not them, but their master, whom I will hold accountable.
The scalping knife of Tecumpseh is mercy
compared with the affidavits of these villains.
I am in the middle of hell and see no alternative
but to kill or be killed; for I will not crouch to Jackson;
and the fact that I and my brother defeated him
and his tribe, and broke his small sword in the
public square, will forever rankle in his bosom,
and make him thirst after vengeance.
My life is in danger; nothing but a defensive duel
can save me, or even give me a chance for my
own existence; for it is a settled plan to turn out puppy
after puppy to bully me, and when I have got into a scrape,
to have me killed somehow in the scuffle, and afterwards
the affidavit-makers will prove it was honorably done.
I shall never be forgiven having given my opinion
in favor of Wilkinson’s authority last winter; and this
is the root of the hell that is now turned loose against me.”
Shortly after the affray, Col. Benton
went to his home in Franklin, Tennessee,
beyond the reach of “Jackson’s puppies.”
He was appointed lieutenant colonel in the regular army;
left Tennessee; resigned his commission at the close
of the war; emigrated to Missouri; and never again
met General Jackson till 1823, when both were
members of the Senate of the United States.
Jesse Benton, I may add, never forgave
General Jackson; nor could he ever forgive
his brother for forgiving the General.
Publications against Jackson by the angry Jesse,
dated as late as 1828, may be seen
in old collections of political trash.6
On 19 September 1813 General Jackson issued these General Orders:
The late attack of the Creek Indians on the almost
defenseless frontier of Mobile settlements the taking
of Fort Mimms and the indiscriminate murder of all
the inhabitants amounting to upwards of three hundred,
not even sparing the women and helpless children
found therein call aloud for retaliatory vengeance.
Those distressed citizens of that frontier who
have yet escaped the Tomahawk implored
the brave Tennesseans for aid.
They must not ask in vain.
We must nobly and promptly yield it.
They are our brethren in distress, and we must not await
the slow and tardy orders of the General Government.
Every noble feeling heart beats sympathy for their sufferings
and danger, and every high-minded generous soldier will
fly to their protection until a regular campaign can be
marched against those inhuman blood-thirsty barbarians.
To afford the most speedy relief the regiment of Cavalry
of the Tennessee volunteers who are already armed
and equipped will instantly march with such volunteer
rifle companies as can be ready to march with them
to increase their number to 900 or 1000 men.
The residue of the detachment of Tennessee Volunteers
will hold themselves ready to follow with those
troops ordered by the Governor into the field.
It is therefore ordered that the Col. of the regiment
of Cavalry of the Tennessee Volunteers tendered
and excepted under the acts of February 6th and July 6th
1812 with his regiment rendezvous on the 24th instant at
Camp Good Exchange near Nashville there to receive the
arrears of pay due them fully equipped and in readiness
to march by the most direct route to Fort St. Stephens.7
On September 24 Governor Blount in Nashville wrote this letter to General Jackson:
In addition to the two thousand men required by my order
of this date to you to be raised in the 2nd Division for the
purpose of repelling a threatened invasion of the state by
the Creek Indians, you will order Col. Coffee with 500 of
the cavalry troops under his command now raised and at
rendezvous into service for the purpose of aiding the people
of Mississippi Territory in repelling attacks made on them
by the Creek Indians, which number of 500 completes the
quota of men to be raised in the 2nd Division under the
provisions of the Act of Assembly of this state passed this
day, authorizing the Executive to call out etc. 3500 to aid the
Inhabitants of the Mississippi Territory to defend the frontier
of this state against the threatened invasion by the Creek
Indians, and to act against the Creeks in their Nation.
This number 500 will be supplied under your order
by the A. D. Quarter master and contractor.
You will also direct the A. D. Quarter master and
contractor to furnish the necessary supplies to those
mounted men and cavalry who have voluntarily joined
Col. Coffee (number not known) to aid the people of
the Mississippi Territory in the defense of their frontier.
And you will also when at rendezvous at Fayetteville,
or at such other place as you may deem proper proceed
to organize any unorganized corps that may appear
at rendezvous under your order of the 24th to
rendezvous them as a part of the 2000 men required
by the act of this state of this date for me to organize.
I must expect you to do this as it is not in
my power to do it in person being obliged
to attend the Legislature now in session.8
On 28 September 1813 the Nashville Whig published
this general order by General Jackson:
Brave Tennesseans!
Your frontier is threatened with invasion by the savage foe!
Already do they advance towards your frontier with
their scalping knives unsheathed to butcher your wives,
your children, and your helpless babes.
Time is not to be lost.
We must hasten to the frontier, or we will find it
drenched in the blood of our fellow citizens.
I am commanded by Gov. Blount to call into the field
at the shortest delay possible
two thousand men of my division….
The present crisis will try the patriotism of my division….
Your country relies on it.
Your general has the utmost confidence that the full
number will appear at the day and place,
well equipped and ready to meet the foe.
The health of your general is restored.
He will command in person.9
Major General Jackson on 7 October 1813 took command of his
West Tennessee forces at Fayetteville, and on October 13 from Camp Coffee
he asked for more support from Governor Blount.
On October 24 Jackson left Fort Deposit and led his men into the heartland
of the Red Sticks advising the town of Chinnabee that he would
“teach all the bad spirits in your nation a lesson they have long stood in need of.”10
General Jackson also issued this proclamation:
It is an enemy barbarous in the extreme
that we have now to face.
Their reliance will be upon the damage
they are capable of doing you while you are asleep….
Our sentinels must never sleep,
nor our soldiers be unprepared.
Our soldiers must lie with their arms in their hands,
and the moment an alarm is sounded,
they must move to their respective positions
without noise and without confusion.
They will thereby be enabled to hear the orders
of their officers and to obey them with promptitude.
Great reliance will also be placed by the enemy
in the consternation they shall be able to spread
through our own ranks by the horrid yells with which
they commence their battle; but brave men will laugh
at the subterfuge by which they hoped to alarm them.
It is not by howling and screams that death is inflicted,
and you will hail their howling approach
by a substantial salute with the bayonet.
What Indian ever stood the charge of a bayonet?
The order of the charge of the bayonet
will be the signal for victory.11
Major General Jackson on October 26 led his army
across mountains and into the country of the Creeks.
He directed Lt. Col. Robert Dyer with 200 hundred horsemen to attack
the Creek village of Littafuchee, and Cherokee scouts guided them.
Their headman Bob Cataula told the Creeks there not to resist
because the whites were safer than other Creeks.
On October 27 Dyer had his men drive off cattle
and steal other food before they burned the town.
On 3 November 1813 General Coffee’s Brigade attacked Creeks at
Tallushatchee village and killed most of their warriors.
Five Americans from Tennessee died, and 41 were wounded.
Jackson reported to Gov. Blount that the massacre at Fort Mims had been avenged.
Andrew Jackson and his wife Rachel adopted the infant Creek orphan Lyncoya
on 4 November 1813 and raised him as a member
of their own family until his death in June 1828.
Jackson and his associates acquired much Indian land
including 45,000 acres in northern Alabama.
Jackson had a paternalistic attitude toward the tribes and believed that their nations
could not co-exist in the United States, and they were promised land in the territories.
On November 7 they learned that some Muscogee Creeks
called “Red Sticks” were threatening Talladega.
Jackson on November 9 led a force that attacked at dawn the Red Sticks,
and they surrounded about a thousand.
Jackson from his headquarters at Camp Strother
on November 13 issued his General Orders writing:
What is the present state of the camp?
A number of your fellow soldiers are wounded.
They are unable to help themselves; and shall it be said
that the Citizens of the State of Tennessee are so lost to
a sense of humanity as to leave them in this situation?
No, it shall not.
If we go, we go together.
We will take the wounded and the sick with us,
the fault shall lay at the proper door, and the world
shall know how Government has treated us.
Large supplies are at Fort Deposit;
Captain Smith has been dispatched to bring it on.
Wagons are on the way from Fort Deposit.
A number of beeves are in the neighborhood of the Camp.
Detachments are sent out to bring them in.
If supplies do not arrive in two days,
we march back together.12
The next day on the 14th General Jackson wrote this longer letter to Governor Blount:
It is with extreme pain I inform you that a turbulent
and mutinous disposition has manifested itself
in my Camp from a quarter least expected.
Petition on petition has been handed from the
officers of the different Brigades containing
statements of their privations and sufferings and
requesting me to return into the settlements with my
Division in order to give the men an opportunity to
provide themselves with articles necessary for the
campaign and to meet the provisions that were coming on.
In reply to their representation of grievances, I made
a general order acknowledging to my Division that their
sufferings were known and felt by me, and that every
exertion had been made by me both to prevent and
relieve them that a number of beeves had been seen in
the neighborhood and meal expected hourly from Fort Deposit
where I was informed there were ample supplies—
that there were several of the wounded whose deaths
would be inevitable if moved and further urged them not to
cause the laurels they had so nobly and so bravely won to
wither by a disgraceful return in the moment of victory.
Limiting the time for departure to two days if provisions
did not arrive, when we would all march and lay
the blame at the door of those who merited it.
Yesterday, as was expected, about forty-five
beeves were brought into camp.
Still their murmurs were not silenced, but continued to
increase until I was compelled to call a council of all
the Field officers and Captains in my Division; to these
officers I stated that information which could be relied on
had been given me that there were at Fort Deposit between
50 and 60,000 weight of meal and 266 barrels of flour.
That upwards of 100 hogs were on the way which would
be here tomorrow or the day after at farthest and after
stating to them the impossibility of carrying on our
baggage in consequence of having dispatched the wagons
for meal and that we must either destroy or leave it after
conjuring them not to move or leave their brave comrades
who had fought and bled by their sides, after entreating
them by their love of country and of glory not to abandon
a campaign so gloriously begun without striking the
finishing stroke and having the honor of its completion.
I dismissed them with a request that the officers
of each Brigade would hold a separate consultation
and report their determination.
Generals Roberts’ Brigade first reported their resolution
to stay by their baggage their wounded and their General
until it could be accurately ascertained whether supplies
would arrive or not, and if they did not in the course of
three or four days, that then they would return and meet it.
General Coffee’s Brigade also reported that the half
or the whole of the cavalry would remain if the camp
was deserted by the Infantry, notwithstanding the
permission they had had for half of the men to go in
to Huntsville and feed their horses which were perishing.
Both of these Brigades have my warmest approbation and
highest praise and merit the applause and gratitude of their
country for preferring privations and sufferings to disgrace.
General Hall’s Brigade then reported that after taking into
consideration and weighting maturely all the circumstances
they had determined by the vow of every officer in the
Brigade with the exception of General Hall himself to march
back to meet the provisions at the same time recommending
to me to permit the men to go to their homes and make
preparations for the campaign and representing that if
they were not permitted the soldiers would forcible desert.
Such a determination was not expected from those who
had been trained and disciplined under my command.
I did think they would have followed me through
every danger and hardship without a murmur;
they were the first to desert me.
But the conduct of General Hall is as usual, firm and
humane; he says he will stay with me in the camp
before he will move the wounded or destroy the
baggage or sully the glory they have already acquired.13
On 15 November 1813 Jackson from Camp Strother
wrote an even longer letter to Blount.
Here is the first paragraph, the statistics of persons,
and what he wrote at the end of the letter:
In my letter of the 11th I gave you a hasty account of the
battle of Talledega; and of the causes which compelled me
to return to this account of the action; together with the
report of the Adjutant General of the killed and wounded….
I immediately gave orders for taking up the line of march
with 1200 Infantry and 800 cavalry and mounted riflemen;
leaving behind me the sick, the wounded and
all the baggage with what I considered
a sufficient force to protect them….
You will perceive from a draft I shall send you that had
there been no departure from the original order of battle;
not an Indian could have escaped; and even as the battle
did terminate, I believe that no impartial man can say
that a more splendid result has in any instance attended
our Arms on land since the commencement of the war.
The force of the enemy is represented by themselves
to have been one thousand and eighty….
Two hundred and ninety-nine were left dead on the ground:
and no doubt many more were killed who were not found.
It is believed that very few escaped without a wound.
In a very few weeks if I had a sufficiency of supplies,
I am thoroughly convinced, I should be able
to put an end to Creek hostility….
I should do injustice to my staff composed of
Majors Reid and Stearcy, my aides, Col. Sitler and
Major Anthony adjutant and assistant adjutant Col. Carrol,
Inspector General Stockley, D. Hays Quarter Master
General, not to mention that they were everywhere
in the midst of danger, circulating my orders—
they deserve and receive my thanks.14
Major General Thomas Pinckney was in charge of the Sixth District,
and he sent instructions to Jackson in a letter he wrote on November 16.
On 29 November 1813 Major General Andrew Jackson from Fort Deposit
wrote this letter to Governor Willie Blount:
Your dispatches by Mr. Fletcher have been duly received.
The want of paper and time prevents
at this time a full answer.
Nothing can be more gratifying to a true patriot than
the unanimous approbation of his country, nothing more
consoling to the volunteers than the approbation of those
patriotic Ladies of East Tennessee who presented to them
the colors, and I beg you to be assured that should a few
disgrace themselves by mutiny and desertion, I have still
confidence that a large majority of the volunteers under
every privation will support the standard of their country
until they finish what they have so gloriously begun.
The war is over if a strong front can be presented.
On the 10th of next month I must advance,
let my force what it may.
I hope on that day the supply of provision
will Justify the measure, and I cannot lie still
and eat public Beef in idleness.
Please signify to Col. Williams my wishes to
be Joined by him before I make the movement.
From the desertions that have taken place,
and the Discontent that has arisen, I cannot
say what may be my strength on that day.
I therefore earnestly request that Col. Williams
may form a Junction with me on the 10th of December,
and that as many volunteers as can be raised
may be ready to Join me that I may be at Liberty
to let those discontented spirits retire from service.
I mean all the old volunteers that are so lost
to patriotism and fame as may ask it;
but I must have your sanction for this step.
I am fearful that the greater part of the militia will desert.
However, I have taken every means in my power
to have the deserters arrested, fifty of whom
have been taken and are upon their return march.
I shall have some proper examples made which
I hope will have the desired effect to deter others.
Report says that the whole Creek force are
concentrating to give me another Battle.
As soon as I can find out the point at which they
are assembling, I shall march and attack them.15
Also on November 29 Thomas Pinckney
wrote to General Jackson in a letter that concluded:
By our last accounts General Floyd commanding the
Georgia Troops had reached Cowena on the Chattahoochee
where he is directed to establish a Post, and whereat
we are endeavoring to collect a Depot of Provisions.
General Adams who commands a body of five hundred
mounted Infantry of Georgia will proceed from the
Oakmulgee on an expedition against the Pakpeskee
Towns near the burnt Village on the Eighth or Ninth
of this Month, the distance about ninety miles.
If this information should reach you in time, it would
be desirable that you should send a detachment
to operate in the same quarter at the same time.
General Floyd who is within sixty miles of the same
point will be instructed to make a simultaneous
attack from his present position.
If you have any late intelligence from or concerning
General Flournoy, General Claiborne or the Officer
commanding any Troops which may be destined
for this expedition from the 7th Military District,
you will oblige me by communicating it.16
Jackson and his associates acquired much Indian land
including 45,000 acres in northern Alabama.
Jackson had a paternalistic attitude toward the tribes and believed that their nations
could not co-exist in the United States, and they were promised land in the territories.
On 3 December 1813 Jackson wrote to Pinckney:
The Governor of Tennessee has just transmitted
a letter from the War Department stating that you
had been ordered to take the direction of the expedition
against the hostile Creeks and urging me to communicate
with you relative to the measures to be pursued.
I had calculated on forming a junction with the forces
from Georgia at the confluence of the coosa and Tallapoosa
and on the 10th of October wrote to the Governor
of that state signifying my wishes and expectations.
By return of my express the Governor advised me
that the detachment from that state consisting of
one Brigade under the command of Brigadier General Floyd
was then on its march into the Creek Nation.
That the advance had reached the Agency,
and that he would immediately forward a
copy of my letters to General Floyd in order
to produce concert in our movements.
Since then I have received no intelligence from that quarter.
On the 2nd Ulto. having arrived within a few miles of the
Ten Islands on the Coosa, I detached Brigadier General
John Coffee with 900 of the Cavalry and mounted riflemen
to destroy Tallushatchee which was situated a few miles
on the south of that river and where I understood
a considerable force of the enemy to be embodied.
On the morning of the 3rd this order was executed.
The town was burned.
One hundred and eighty taken prisoners.
Our loss was five killed and forty wounded
one of whom has since died.
On the morning of the 9th
we had a more General engagement.
Having learned on the evening of the 7th that
the enemy had assembled in great force about 30 miles
below me for the purpose of destroying Talladega
(a fort of the friendly party) and then of attacking
my army, I set out immediately to the relief of that
place with 1200 Infantry and 800 Cavalry; and on the
evening of the 8th arrived within six miles of them.
Having recommenced my march very early
on the ensuing morning we came up to the enemy,
(whom we found encamped within a quarter
of a mile of the Fort) by half an hour by sun.
The engagement commenced, and in a
short time terminated in their entire defeat.
Two hundred and ninety-nine of the enemy were
found dead on the ground, and it is since well ascertained
that this falls far short of the number really killed.
Our loss was 15 killed and 87 wounded,
three of whom have since died.
The number of the enemy engaged is not known;
but judging from their fires, the space of ground
they occupied, and their representations
it must have exceeded a thousand.
The Creek war could now have been terminated
in a few weeks had I not been compelled by the
want of supplies and for the protection of my rear
to return to my late encampment at the Ten Islands.
Compelled by the emergency I had set out to Talladega
with only one day’s rations (which indeed was all we had)
under an assurance that the Troops from E. T. would
arrive in a few hours after my departure for the protection
of the sick, wounded and baggage I had left behind.
In the course of the following night, however,
I learned that they had entirely changed their course
and would not arrive at the Ten Islands at all.
On our return to the Ten Islands on the 11th
where we expected to find a plentiful supply
of provisions, we found those whom
we had left there as destitute as ourselves.
This produced very disagreeable embarrassments,
which I have ever since been endeavoring to remove.
By the 15th Inst. I hope I shall have provided
means which will enable me to recommence
the campaign with vigor and success.
The East Tennessee Troops have not yet
joined me and are still in the Cherokee nation.
I am assured by General Cocke, however that he will form
a junction with me at this place on the 12th inst; and it is
then our purpose to move forward to the confluence of
the Coosa and Tallapoosa where we shall establish a
garrison and where it is believed the Creek war can be
terminated in a short time and without much difficulty.
If this plan shall be approved, I shall be happy in
your cooperation with the forces from Georgia,
and at all events, in being advised of your situation,
intended movements, and ultimate purpose.17
General Jackson from Fort Strother on 6 December 1813
wrote in this letter to John Cocke:
I have received your letters of the 3rd and
5th Inst, and am equally surprised and concerned
to hear your supplies continue deficient.
In the name of God what is McGee doing,
and what has he been about?
Every letter I receive from the governor assures me
I am to receive plentiful supplies from him, and takes for
granted, that they have hitherto been regularly furnished.
Considering the generous loan he obtained for this purpose,
and the facility of procuring bread-stuff in E. Tennessee
and transporting it by water to Fort Deposit it is wholly
unaccountable that not a pound of it has ever arrived there.
It is my wish that you arrive here
by the 12th Inst with 1500 men.
This will leave a sufficient number to
protect the fort you have erected.
It is believed the enemy are assembling on the
Cahawba to my right; but this fact will be better
ascertained by the time of your arrival here.18
General Jackson from Fort Strother wrote
in a letter to John Coffee on 9 December 1813:
The disquietude of the volunteers has grown to
a height that it is impossible to tell in what it may end.
I have been on yesterday threatened with disagreeable
events on the 10th unless they are discharged.
They know I have not the power to discharge.
I have advised them of my having applied to the governor
for orders to discharge them, and I have also informed
them that I have on my own responsibility ordered
Col. Carrol to bring on as many volunteers as would
Justify me in dismissing them, that this was all I could do.
With patience they would get out of the field with Credit,
but after all these exertions on my part if mutiny or sedition
show itself in my camp, at all hazards I would put it down.
What may be attempted tomorrow I cannot tell, but should
they attempt to march off in mass, I shall do my duty,
should the mutineers be too strong, and you should meet
any officers or men, returning without my written authority,
you will arrest and bring them back in strings,
and if they attempt to disobey your order, you will
immediately fire on them and continue the fire until
they are subdued; you are to compel them to return.19
On December 12 General Cocke with 1,500 men arrived at Fort Strother,
and Jackson kept his word to let the first brigade go home,
though he urged them to re-enlist and come back.
Most of Cocke’s men could also leave in a few days.
The Second Brigade had only enlisted for three months.
General Jackson on 13 December 1813 concluded
his letter to Governor Blount with this appeal:
I hope there still remains a sufficient number of patriots
to chastise the Creeks and to carry on the Campaign.
Shall it be said, that the boasted patriotism of Tennessee
is a mere phantom, that only existed at home;
shall it be said that a glorious career shall be abandoned
for the want of men; shall it be recorded that the brave,
the patriotic Tennesseans turn faint hearted,
when they are ordered to March to face the Creeks.
It shall not; it must not.
I have therefore to request that you will hold in
readiness a sufficient number to fill up the deficiency
that may be occasioned by the discharge of the
Troops now in service until the Campaign is completed;
and advise me of the length of service of the Militia,
whether those under the late act are to be considered
for the whole length of the Campaign, or in service
under the Act of Congress, as detached Militia.
I am impressed from the Secretary of War’s letter
that he views the whole as detached Militia under
the Act of Congress; or he would not believe that
the detached Militia with me might answer the
requisition that might be made on you by General Flournoy;
but to you I look for information on this subject
and request that it may reach me in a few days.20
Governor Blount on December 22 advised General Jackson to
leave Fort Strother and return to the Tennessee frontier.
General Jackson in a 3-page letter to Governor Blount
from Fort Strother on 26 December 1813 concluded:
Where does the Governor of Georgia
obtain his powers from?
The same as yours, from a requisition of the Secretary
of War for fifteen hundred men and a law of the state.
The time of the first class has expired.
The Governor of Georgia has ordered a draft, as I am
informed by Mr. Cooper, express from General Pinckney
and are now marching thirty five hundred men up to relieve
those that have served six months under General Floyd,
and will it be permitted to be said that the governor of the
(once) patriotic state of Tennessee, at such an important
crisis as the present, when the Creeks are more than half
conquered, a British force on the coast ready to aid and
supply them, and reanimate their sinking spirits,
I repeat will it be permitted to be recorded in the page
of history that the governor of Tennessee hesitated
one moment on the subject of exercising his power to
carry into effect the grand object of the state and the
general Government in bringing the campaign to a
speedy and happy conclusion by ordering a draft for
such number of men as will fill the deficiency of the
quota of this state, and now absent from the service.
I hope not.
Delay will not do; the campaign must not be delayed.
Every exertion must be made to put down the Creeks
and meet the British at the walls of Pensacola.
There is the Point to put a speedy end to the war,
and I hope your exertions will not be wanting, to enable
me agreeable to General Pinckney’s orders, there to meet
the eternal enemies of our peace, put an end to the war,
and give peace to our southern and western frontiers.
These sentiments grow out of your letter to Col. Carrol
which this evening reached me from Col Carrol,
in which you say you have no power to order men out,
and I have given you mine with the frankness of a friend,
in the present disagreeable situation of our country.
I believe you have the power.
I believe every patriot will Justify your exercising of it, and
the public good requires you should promptly exercise it.
I wish you to give me a speedy answer that
I may know my true situation and advise
General Pinckney what he may rely on.
General Pinckney having requested that I should name
some fit person to act as assistant D. quartermaster for
East Tennessee, I have named Mr. Baxter, who sets out
tomorrow morning to take a peep into the causes why
I have got no supplies from East Tennessee of bread stuff
with the necessary instructions to purchase.
I will try if I cannot punish McGee’s pocket for his conduct.
Let me hear from you by the next express, my situation
is a critical one, and the frontier of your state will be
in an equal critical situation if I am compelled to retrograde
with a British army to supply and aid the Creeks.
A postponement will not do; it will have the same evils
of a retrograde and attended with equal expense to the
government, the expense is more than half incurred,
if you will from the whole state
give me Twenty five hundred men.
I will hazard my life and reputation a full
completion of the campaign with that number
if speedily furnished and supplied.21
Jackson from Fort Strother in a five-page letter
to Governor Blount on December 29 wrote,
The Citizens of Tennessee with one voice cried aloud
for a declaration of war against Great Britain.
The Citizens of Tennessee approbated the declaration
of war as just and necessary and pledged themselves,
property and sacred honor for their support
of this just and necessary war.
In the prosecution of this war the Creeks excited
(as the people of Tennessee believe) by Great Britain,
commenced an unprovoked attack on our frontier in the
unheard of butchery of the Manley’s and the Crawleys.
The Cry was raised from East to West,
and from the Northern to the Southern boundary
of our state for permission to carry a war of
extermination into the Creek nation: and because
the General Government did not at once give the orders,
the universal imprecations of the Citizens of the state
were heaped upon her for withholding them….
The General Government being informed of the intended
hostility of the Creeks, had given you orders to have
organized in your state 1500 men under the act of Congress,
authorizing the President to call into service 100,000
of the Militia to cooperate with the number from Georgia,
to carry a war into the heart of the Creek nation.
The Legislature of the State being about to be convened,
the overflowing patriotism of the State, and their
indignation of the barbarity committed at the destruction
of Fort Mimms, were expressed in certain resolutions,
which will do honor to their framers and the State
as long as they are read and presented to the Legislature,
who with equal patriotism and without delay passed
a law embracing all the objects of the resolutions….
From the act of the state and your letter, the President
does believe and has a right to believe, that we have
5000 men in the field, and that force for 6 months
service on the campaign, ready to protect the
frontier of the Mississippi Territory, our own
frontier and to carry a campaign into the heart
of the Creek nation and ready to cooperate and
have been cooperating with the troops of Georgia….
P. S. Since writing the above General Roberts, having
halted the men two miles from this place, to obtain my
pledge, that they should not be kept in service longer than
3 months, the time for which General Roberts in his written
report to me had said they had tendered their service, and
after my address having been read to them by the Adjutant
General, they retrograded under a pretense that I would not
also pledge myself that they should be paid—in the mean
time being informed by the General Report, that they had
been mustered into service by the muster master, I had
issued an order to the General to march them into camp.
The General finding that there was a cloud
gathering around him, has started after
them post haste to bring them into camp.
Whether he succeeds or not, I cannot tell, but should he not,
a proper enquiry will be made why he did not.22
On December 30 and 31 General Jackson from Fort Strother wrote a 6-page letter
to the Secretary of War John Armstrong, and he concluded with these two paragraphs:
I dispatch General Roberts in pursuit of those new
troops whom he lately brought on, and who so shamefully
deserted with instructions to exert all the means and
power he possesses to have them apprehended and
marched to Head Quarters under a strong guard.
It is high time that energetic measures should be adopted,
if any good is to be hoped for from militia.
I have been prevented by the difficulties of cutting
a passage over the mountains in the fore-part of
the campaign, and by the confusion which has existed
in my Camp since, from sending on Inspection returns.
Accompanied with this I send you a draft of this
Country drawn by my topographical Engineer.
As explanatory of one of the principal causes which
compelled me to retrograde after the battle of Talladega
I send you also a copy of the order from General Cocke
to General White issued on the 6th November which
caused the latter to withhold from me the cooperation
I had been made to expect when I set out thither.
I presume it requires no comment.23
On 14 January 1814 General Jackson was surprised and pleased
to see 800 raw troops arriving at Fort Stother.
On January 29 he wrote a 6-page letter to General Thomas Pinckney
and described how he led those men in a campaign against the Creeks.
Jackson worked on training his new recruits with strict discipline.
John Woods attempted to lead a mutiny,
and he was executed by a firing squad on March 14.
On that day Jackson left 450 soldiers at Fort Strother,
and they crossed the Tallapoosa River.
On March 24 Jackson issued General Orders at Fort Williams that began:
Fellow Soldiers, An opportunity is at length
offered you of manifesting your zeal to your country,
and avenging the cruelties committed upon our
defenseless fellow citizens by the infuriated Creeks.24
On 27 March 1814 Jackson led about 2,000 infantry, 700 cavalry,
and about 600 allied warriors that included Cherokees, Choctaws and Creeks
against about a thousand Red Stick warriors.
Jackson used artillery against the Red Sticks’ compound.
On that day in the battle of Horseshoe Bend the Red Sticks had about 800 killed
and 206 wounded while 47 Americans died along with 23 native allies.
The Americans had 159 wounded while only 47 of their allies were wounded.
Jackson had his dead buried in a river so that they would not be scalped.
The next day General Jackson in a letter to Thomas Pinckney described
how he directed successfully the Americans at Horseshoe Bend.
On March 31 General Jackson from Fort Williams sent a fairly long report
to Governor Blount on the “Battle of Tehopiska or the Horse Shoe” that concluded,
To say all in a word the whole army who
achieved this fortunate victory, have merited
by their good conduct the gratitude of their country.
So far as I saw, or could learn there was not an officer or
soldier who did not perform his duty with the utmost fidelity.
The conduct of the militia on this occasion
has gone far towards redeeming the
character of that description of troops.
They have been as orderly in their
encampments and on the line of march,
as they have been signally brave in the day of battle.
In a few days I shall take up the line of march for Hickory
Grounds; and have everything to hope from such troops.26
Jackson wrote in his letter to his wife Rachel on April 1 “The carnage was dreadful.”36
On 17 April 1814 General Jackson in a letter to General Pinckney informed him
that the Creeks were fleeing to the south,
and the next day he shared the news in a letter to Governor Blount.
On April 18 Jackson wrote to Pinckney again to tell him there was still more to do.
On April 25 Jackson from Fort Williams wrote
to Secretary of War John Armstrong, and he reported:
For the defense of the posts and to keep open
the line of communication, I shall leave 400 men
at this place (Fort Williams), 250 at Fort Strother,
75 at Fort Armstrong, and Captain Hammonds’
Company of Rangers at Fort Deposit.27
Armstrong from Washington in a letter on May 22 promoted Jackson to Major General,
and on June 8 Jackson agreed to command the 7th Military District.
On 27 June 1814 General Jackson wrote from
Murfreesborough, Tennessee to Secretary of War Armstrong:
Mine of the 25th instant advised of the rumors of the day
and that on the 26th I would set out for Fort Jackson.
At this place I met a corroboration of the account that
300 British had landed and are fortifying at the mouth
of the Apalachacola, and are arming and exciting the
Indians to acts of hostility against the United States.
Whether these rumors are founded in fact or not,
we ought at least to be prepared for the worst.
Query—If the Hostile Creeks have taken refuge in East
Florida, fed and armed there by the Spaniards and British;
the latter having landed troops within it and fortifying with a
large supply of Munitions of War and provisions, and exciting
the Indians to hositlities—Will the government say to me,
require a few hundred Militia (which can be had for the
campaign at one day’s notice) and with such of my
disposable force in regulars proceed to —and reduce it.
If so, I promise the war in the south has a speedy
termination and British influence forever cut off
from the Indians in that quarter.28
When Jackson came to Fort Jackson on July 10 he told Indian agent
Benjamin Hawkins to help organize a meeting for Creek chiefs.
He warned that those who did not submit would be punished.
The Creeks were not to communicate with the British or the Spanish.
The Fort Jackson Treaty was signed by the Tallapoosa River on 9 August 1814.
Jackson’s negotiation persuaded the friendly Creeks to cede 23 million acres
while those hostile fled to Florida.
General Jackson led the military effort that helped the U. S. to get the Floridas from Spain.
He had his militia burn villages.
In October Jackson persuaded Chickasaws to sell
about a third of Tennessee and one-tenth of Kentucky.
The U. S. House of Representatives censured Jackson for making an unjust treaty,
and he never forgave Henry Clay.
On August 10 Jackson wrote to Secretary of War Armstrong advising him
that the Creeks would need help, writing,
I enclose the talk of a British officer given to
three chiefs who are present and related the same
to me in my tent—the discovery of their duplicity,
and the true talk sent by the British officer to the
chiefs of the Creek nation I also forward.
In addition I also transmit a copy of a letter from
William H. Robinson and Charles Muir living in Pensacola.
These Gentlemen from every information may be relied on.
There can be no doubt of the British being on our coast,
and that they have armed the Indians and amply
supplied them with arms, ammunition and clothing.
The whole Creek nation is in a most wretched State,
and I must repeat, that they must be fed and clothed
or necessity will compel them to embrace the
proffered friendship of the British.
You will find from the information contained in the
letters from Pensacola that the British officers are
clothing the Indians in their best Scarlet—
this policy is intended to draw the friendly Indians to their
standard, and if not counteracted by clothing them, the
winter’s cold will compel them to accept the British boon.
I refer you to Mr. C. for information on this head.
The friendly party insist that they have a right
to their part of the annuity—that although part
of the nation violated former treaties, they did not.
As they must be fed and clothed, this claim might
be closed forever by a sound sum in clothing.
The whole number from the last return drawing rations
from the United States at different posts amount to 8200.
To clothe the whole number will cost a considerable sum;
but this sum would be very inferior to the Value
of the territory ceded to the United States:
in addition to which I may observe, that the
cession has made them our friends, and will in
future effectually prevent their becoming our enemies.
From an estimate made by the topographical engineer,
the ceded territory contains twenty millions of acres of the
first rate within the nation; beside opening a communication
from Georgia to the Mississippi Territory, and a rich and
extensive settlement from the river Perdido to the county
of Madison, intercepted by a small slip of land claimed
by the Cherokees south of the Tennessee River, which
can be obtained from them for a moderate compensation.
This country populated becomes an effective defense
to the southwestern frontier—the line should be run
without delay, and the land offered for sale.
I would submit for the consideration of the President and
Congress whether it might not be good policy to give to each
able-bodied man who will settle upon this land half a section
at two dollars per acre, payable in two years with interest—
this measure would insure the security of this frontier and
make citizens of the soldiers who effected its conquest.
I shall on the 16th Inst. leave this with the
3rd Infantry for Mobile, and one company of
new recruits of the 44th ordered from Nashville
which reached this place last evening.
I intend to discharge the Militia on its arrival;
but a sound discretion, exercised on the most mature
deliberation, forbids the immediate discharge of the Militia
of Tennessee: they are specially required to garrison this
post and Decatur during the absence of the regular troops.
General Pinckney advises that he has made a requisition
from Georgia, pursuant to which troops are on the
march to occupy the posts from Decatur to Georgia.
These troops can be concentrated to repel any British
or Indian force that may attempt to commit aggressions
against the friendly Indians of the Georgia frontier.
I received your dispatch of the 2nd ultimo enclosing
the remonstrance of the citizens of Mobile referred.
From a view of a chart of the Bay, the importance of its
possession for the security of our Gun boats and other craft,
and to keep up a free communication with Orleans from
whence we draw our supplies, I determined at once to
give orders that Mobile Point be reoccupied by our troops:
the United States in possession of Pensacola,
and Mobile Point well defended; our whole coast
and country in this quarter would be secure.
I cannot close this communication without observing
that I am under great obligations to Col. Hawkins for
his aid during the negotiations with the Indians.29
Spain governed East and West Florida but had lost portions of each
to the United States in 1810 and 1813.
General Jackson on 22 August 1814 while 4 miles above Mobile
wrote this letter to W. C. C. Claiborne, who was Governor of Louisiana 1804-16:
Nothing has reached me since my last which
can be relied on with certainty indicative of the
real intentions of the British or their allies.
Whatever may be the wishes of the Spanish government,
her weak and exhausted situation at present will
prevent her from making war upon us, and induce
her at least to hold out appearances of friendship
and adherence to existing Treaties.
She must restore tranquility in her own provinces before
she can indulge a hope of profiting by the war with the US.
She is too sensible of her own situation not to know that
a declaration of war would deprive her of all her Territory
in North and South America as far as the isthmus of Darien.
Therefore to my mind the rumor of a
declaration of war against us is unfounded.
I am pleased to find from yours of the 12 Inst
the pledge of support and spirit of patriotism
displayed by your citizens, and principally by
Col. Fortier and the select corps under his command.
From the standing of the Field officers of this corps from
the confidence you repose in them and their declaration
of attachment to their government, I would not hesitate
in recommending that the corps be augmented by an
increase of the respective companies to 100 rank and file,
and held in readiness as part of the quota required of
your State by the late order of the war department.
I have no power to stipulate with
any corps as to particular or local service.
But it is not to be presumed at present that
the troops of Louisiana will have to extend
their services beyond the limits of their own State.
Yet circumstances might arise which would make it requisite
that they should be called to face an invading enemy beyond
the limits of Louisiana, and stop their entry into the State.
I must consequently decline giving assurance
to any corps as to their local service.
It would be unmilitary and calculated to throw
a shade over the patriotism of the corps so
honorable manifested, which would measurably
destroy their reputation and that of the State.
I shall visit New Orleans as soon as the safety
of this quarter of the District will permit.
When I left Tennessee, I expected so soon as the
convention with the Creeks was concluded to have
returned Direct to Nashville and from thence
descended the Mississippi to New Orleans.
But appearances in this quarter
induced me to change my route.30
Jackson from Mobil on 24 August 1814 wrote to Gonzalez Manrique a letter that begins:
I had the honor (accidentally) to receive
your reply to my note of the 12th ultimo
handed by my friend Captain Gordon.
Passing in silence the motives which induced you to reply,
I will remark that I regret extremely the evasive hostile
spirit which pervades your whole letter so inconsistent
with the high frank Spanish character you have assumed.
You are the Governor and (I presume) the representative
of his catholic Majesty, who is professedly in a state of
peace, amity and strict neutrality with the United States,
bound by solemn treaties to use force to keep the Indians
inhabiting the territory of his Majesty from levying war,
depredating on the citizens or property of the United States
or the Indians residing within their territory.
Under these solemn obligations you urge motives
of humanity and the rights of hospitality as your
Justification for extending to the Creek nation
at war with the United States and at peace with
Spain the friendly open arms of your government.
To a murderous barbarous rebellious Banditti who had
not only imbued their hands in the innocent blood of
our defenseless women and children, but raised the
exterminating Hatchet against their own nation, and
who had been excited to those horrid deed of butchery
by our open enemy Great Britain, and supplied with the
means of carrying it on by the subjects his catholic majesty.
In possession of all these facts our Christianity would
blush at taking shelter under the benign influence
of humanity and hospitality for its Justification.
But we may not possess that refined meek Christian
forgiveness which has operated on your excellency
in washing from your recollection the savage,
brutal and indiscriminate butchery of our women and
children at Fort Mimms, Duck River and elsewhere.
We could not again receive those wretches as the
Father his prodigal son, without any evidence of their
repentance, and put into their hands the means of repeating
these inhuman acts in open violation of solemn treaties,
without thinking a day of retribution was at hand.
I enclose you an extract from the Treaty entered
into by your government with the United States
for your perusal presuming you have forgotten its
existence as you have not mentioned it in your long letter.
I have also the honor to inform you that on the 9th instant
a capitulation and treaty of peace was entered into between
the Chiefs and warriors of the Creek nation and the
United States by which the Creek nation has ceded to the
United States all their lands adjoining the Spanish Territory.
And information having been received by me that the
refugee banditti from the Creek nation are now drawing
rations from your government and under the drill of a
British officer in Pensacola with your knowledge
(if not approbation) for resuming their acts of barbarity
against the citizens of our frontier I have directed my
patrols to reconnoiter the country north of the Spanish line,
and treat all those renegades who are caught above the
lines as enemies until you explicitly avow them to be
under your Jurisdiction, and hold yourself accountable
for their conduct as stipulated by the Treaty of 1795.31
General Jackson arrived at Mobile on August 22,
and three days later he wrote in a letter to Secretary of War John Armstrong:
How long will the government of the United States
tamely submit to disgrace and open insult from Spain?
It is alone by a manly dignified course of conduct that we
insure respect from other nations and peace to our own.
Temporizing will not do.
Captain Woodbine of the British Marines is now,
and has been for a considerable time in Pensacola,
drilling and organizing the hostile fugitive Creeks
under the Eye of the Governor, exercising all his
influence aided by immense presents to draw to his
standard all the hostile as well as friendly Indians.
To counteract these efforts and be prepared for any
emergency in this quarter I have written to Col. McKee
to prepare the minds of the Choctaws to meet me here.
The Colonel reached me last evening.
The Choctaws can be brought into the field if necessary.
Yet to insure this, funds must be furnished for
the payment of supplies heretofore had, and the
purchase of supplies which will hereafter be wanted,
previous to their taking the field.
To insure the friendship of the Choctaws a liberal policy
must be pursued and will ultimately be found economical
by saving us from their combination with our enemies.
It is necessary to continue Col. McKee as their agent
until the clouds of war are dispersed.
I regret to find from the want of funds in the
quartermaster’s department (or some other unknown cause)
the credit of the government has sunk very much.
Nothing can be obtained on credit; funds are indispensable.
The credit of the government must be reinstated or
active war and effective defense cannot be prosecuted.
The information of the British having landed a large
force is corroborated by a Mr. Antoine Collin who left
Pensacola yesterday morning, and has Major Nicolls
passport with his seal to protect him from the Indians,
and consequently no doubt can be entertained of the facts.
I have taken every means in my power
to prepare for defense.
Mobile Point I hope by tomorrow will be able
to protect the pass to New Orleans and prevent
the enemy from cutting off our supplies.
Should this fail our only dependence will be Tennessee.
I have directed the agents of the different Indian tribes to
enroll every warrior in their nation and put them under pay.
I have also directed large supplies to be forwarded
to the Garrisons on the Coosa river, that in case
our commission should be cut off from New Orleans
by water we can be supplied down the Alabama.
I have called into service the whole force from
Tennessee, Louisiana, and Mississippi Territory.
I must have funds; I must again repeat,
or operations in the field will cease.
It is a melancholy fact that I have not a dollar in the
Quartermaster’s department to purchase an express
Horse nor can the Quartermaster procure one on credit,
and the mail arrives here only once a month.
To remedy this I have ordered a chain of express mails
to be established from this to the Chickasaw agency
to intersect the Orleans mail there, and all
communications will be addressed to me at that place.
I am advised by a letter from Governor Claiborne that the
militia of New Orleans have showed a spirit of disaffection
and reluctance to take the field, and fears are entertained
that Spanish or British agents have been at work here.
I can but regret that permission had not been given by
the government to have seized on Pensacola;
had this been done, the American Eagle would now
have soared above the fangs of the British Lion.
We must now trust to the Justice of our cause and
the bravery of our citizens, and I hope for success.
But my present means are so feeble with a sickly climate
to combat in addition to our other enemies,
without the means of transportation that I am
compelled to summon up all my fortitude to support me,
and will only add that you must afford me the means,
or you cannot expect me to conquer.
I have not even a Brigadier within my District.32
On 5 September 1814 General Jackson from Mobile
wrote this letter to the Secretary of State James Monroe:
The enclosed will show you the number of Forts Occupied
by the troops in the 7th Military District, the immense
space covered by those forts with the effective force
and the expiration of the Service of the Militia in the field.
If the line of Defense could be shortened, it would give
greater security and strength to our frontier, which ought to
be a primary Object with the Government as it would render
the defense more easy by the concentration of forces.
In the late negotiation with the Indians
I had an eye to this object.
There is now a fort at Mobile Point, add to this a
well-constructed battery on Dauphin Island, and
it would render the entrance of the bay impracticable.
A fort on the Escambia where the Florida line crosses it,
would secure the frontier from Mobile
to the Tensaw or cut-off.
One other between that and the Bay of Appelachacola,
and One on the Appelachacola would keep the Indians
at peace, and the Spaniards within their Shell.
As Spain has become our enemy covertly if not openly,
and is carrying on in concert with Great Britain from
Pensacola hostilities against us by her Indians,
for the safety of the U. S. why will not the Government
order the British to be expelled and Pensacola seized,
and garrisoned by our troops, this effected,
Mobile Point perfectly secured, and a fort on the
Appelachacola, all resistance on this quarter would cease,
and all the other garrisons round to New Orleans
except Fort Jackson might be dismounted and abandoned.
A few Gun-Boats in the Lakes would Secure the
Passage to New Orleans, and Fort Jackson would
secure to us Supplies in case the enemy should
cut off our communication with New Orleans.
I beg you to take a glance at the situation of Pensacola—
its fine harbor, now in the possessions of our deadly foe,
and at once you will see its importance in the hands
of the United States, and Order accordingly.
A party of Indians came last night within nine miles
of this place and attacked a house where there was
one white-man and three Negroes; one of the negroes
made his escape; the fate of the Others is not known.
I have sent out a Detachment of foot after them.
But I want horsemen on this station.
These Indians came direct from Pensacola, and
had I horsemen, they should never reach it again.33
On 5 September 1814 Secretary Monroe noted reception of the letter
Jackson sent the War Department also on August 10 and wrote,
The avowed objects of the Enemy and the recent
outrages, of all principles of civilized warfare, warrant
a belief and expectation that they will make their
devastations as extensive as their means will enable them.
The writer of the enclosed copy of a communication
without signature is known and is entitled to credit.
Your most prompt attention and vigorous operations
will be required in the lower country.
All the friendly Indians should be organized and
prepared to cooperate with your other forces
There appears to be some disaffection among the Choctaws.
Their friendship and services
should be secured without delay.
The friendly Indians must be fed and paid, and made
to fight when and where their services may be required.
It is desirable you should repair to New Orleans
as soon as your arrangements can be accomplished,
in other parts of the District, unless circumstances
should render another point more eligible.34
On 9 September 1814 General Jackson wrote in a letter to
González Manrique, the Spanish Governor of West Florida:
It is well known that the British flag has been flying in
one of your forts, and your Excellency has been candid
enough to acknowledge the arming and affording protection
to our other enemies the fugitive Creeks, and all this under
the most strict plea of neutrality, consequently your
Excellency cannot be surprised, but on the contrary will
provide for my soldiers and Indians a Fort in your Town
should I take it into my head to pay you a visit.
Your Excellency will be pleased in future not to view me
as a diplomatic character, unless proclaimed by the
mouths of my cannon, and withhold your chimerical
insulting charges against my government for the Ear
of one more inclined to listen to slander than I am.35
General Jackson from Mobile on 17 September 1814
wrote this letter to the Secretary of State James Monroe:
With lively emotions of satisfaction I communicate
that success has crowned the gallant efforts of our
brave soldiers in resisting and repulsing a combined
British naval and land force, which on the 15th inst.
attacked Fort Bowyer on the Point of Mobile.
I enclose a copy of the official report of Major
Wm. Laurence of 2nd Infantry who commanded.
In addition to the particulars communicated in his letters,
I have learned that the ship which was destroyed was
the Hermes, of from 24 to 28 guns, Captain the Hon.
Wm. H. Percy, senior officer in the Gulf of Mexico;
and the brig so considerably damaged, is the Sophia,
18 guns, Captain Wm. Lockyer.
The other ship was the Carron of from 24 to 28 guns,
Captain Spencer, son of Earl Spencer;
the other brig’s name unknown.
On board of the Carron 85 men were killed and wounded:
among whom was Col. Nicoll of Royal Marines,
who lost an eye by a splinter.
The land force consisted of 110 Marines and
200 Creek Indians under the command of
Captain Woodbine of Marines and about 20 Artillerists
with one four and a half inch howitzer from which
they discharged shells and nine pound shot.
They re-embarked the piece and retreated
by land towards Pensacola, whence they came.
By the morning report of the 16th there were
present in the fort, fit for duty, officers and men, 158.
The result of this engagement has stamped
a character on the war in this quarter highly
favorable to the American army: it is an event
from which may be drawn the most favorable augury.
An achievement so glorious in itself, and so important in
its consequences should be appreciated by the government;
and those concerned are entitled to, and will
doubtless receive the most gratifying evidence
of the approbation of their Countrymen.36
The New Orleans Committee of Safety wrote a letter to Jackson on September 18,
and the next day the New Orleans Governor Claiborne
sent Jackson a letter with “unofficial information.”
On 21 September 1814 the Commanding Major General Andrew Jackson
issued this Proclamation to the People of Louisiana:
Louisianans. The base the perfidious Britons
have attempted to invade your Country.
They have had the temerity to attack Fort Bowyer
with their incongruous horde of Indian and Negro
assassins—they seemed to have forgotten
that this Fort was defended by freemen.
They were not long indulged in their error.
The gallant Lawrence with his Spartan band has given
them a lecture that will last for ages: he has taught
them what Men can do, when fighting for their
liberty when contending against Slaves.
He convinced Sir W. H. Percy that his strongest British
bark is not invulnerable to the force of American Artillery,
directed by the steady nervous Arm of a Freeman.
Louisianans! The proud Britain, the national
and sworn Enemy of all Frenchmen, of all Americans,
and of all Freemen has called upon you by a proclamation;
to aid her in her tyranny, and to prostrate
the Holy temple of our liberty.
Can Louisianans, can Frenchmen, can Americans
ever stoop to be the Slaves or allies of Britain?
The proud, vainglorious boaster, Col. Nicolls when
he addressed you, Louisianans and Kentuckians,
had forgotten that you were the votaries of freedom;
or he would never have pledged the honor of a
British Officer for the faithful performance of his promises.
To lure you from your fidelity
to the government of your choice.
I ask you Louisianans can we place any confidence
in the honor of Men, who have courted
an alliance with pirates and Robbers?
Have not these Noble Britons, these honorable Men,
Col. Nicolls and the honorable Captain W. H. Percy,
the true Representatives of their Royal Master, done this?
Have they not made offers to the Pirates of Barrataria,
to join them and their Holy cause?
And have they not dared to insult you by calling on you
to associate as Brethren with them and this hellish Banditti?
Louisianans! The Government of your choice is
engaged in a just and honorable contest for the
security of your individual and her National rights.
On you a part of America, the only Country on Earth
where every Man enjoys freedom, where its blessings
are alike extended to the poor and Rich, calls on you
to protect these rights from the invading usurpation
of Britain, and she calls not in vain.
I well know that every Man whose Soul beats
high at the proud title of freemen, that every
Louisianan, either by birth or adoption will promptly
obey the voice of his Country; will rally around the
Eagle of Columbia, rescue it from impounding
danger or nobly die in the last ditch in its defense.
The individual who refuses to defend his right when called
by his Government, deserves to be a slave and must be
punished as an enemy to his Country and a friend of the foe.
The undersigned has been entrusted with defense
of your Country; on you he relies to aid him in this
important duty: in this reliance he hopes not to be mistaken.
He trusts in the justice of his cause and the patriotism of
his Countrymen, confident that any future attempt to invade
our soil will be as repelled as the last; he calls not upon
either Pirates or Robbers to join him in the glorious career.
Your Governor has been fully authorized by me to
organize any Volunteer Company, Battalion or Regiment
which may proffer its services under this call
and informed of their probable destination.37
Commanding Major General Andrew Jackson also on September 21
wrote this proclamation To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:
Through a mistaken policy, my brave fellow Citizens,
you have heretofore been deprived of a participation
in the Glorious struggle for National rights
in which our Country is engaged.
This shall no longer exist, as sons of freedom,
you are now called upon to defend
our most estimable blessing:
As Americans your Country looks with confidence
to her adopted Children for a valorous support
as a partial return for the advantages enjoyed,
under her mild and equitable government.
As fathers, husbands, and Brothers you are
summoned to rally around the standard of the
Eagle to defend all which is dear in existence.
Your intelligent minds are not to be
led away by false representations.
Your love of honor would cause you to despise
the Man who should attempt to deceive you.
I shall not attempt it.
In the sincerity of a Soldier and the
language of truth I address you.
Your Country, although calling for your exertions does
not wish you to engage in her cause without amply
remunerating you for the services rendered.
To every noble hearted generous brave freeman of color
volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great
Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in
Money and lands now received by the white Soldiers of the
United States viz $124.00 in Cash and 160 acres of Land.
The Noncommissioned Officers and privates will also
be entitled to the same Monthly pay, daily rations,
and Clothing furnished to every American Soldier.
On enrolling yourselves the General will select Officers for
your government from among your White fellow Citizens.
Your Noncommissioned Officers will be
appointed from among yourselves.
Due regard will be paid to the feelings
of freemen and Soldiers.
You will not, by being associated with other Men
in the same Corps, be exposed to improper
comparisons or unjust sarcasm.
As a distinct, independent Battalion or Regiment,
pursuing a path of glory, you will undivided receive
the applause, reward and gratitude of your Countrymen.
To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions
and my anxiety to engage your invaluable services
to our Country I have communicated with the
Executive of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to
the manner of Enrollment and will give you every
necessary information on the subject of this address.38
On 27 September 1814 the Secretary of State James Monroe
sent this letter to Major General Andrew Jackson:
I have had the honor to receive your letter
of August 10th and subsequent letters of
August 23rd, 24th, 25th, and 27th by mail.
By these communications which are strongly supported
by others from various quarters there is great cause
to believe that the Enemy have set on foot an expedition
against Louisiana through the Mobile in the expectation
that while so strong a pressure was made from Canada
and in this quarter, whereby the force of the Country
and attention of the Government would be much
engrossed, a favorable opportunity would be afforded
them to take possession of the lower parts of that state,
and of all the Country along the Mobile.
In this as in all their other disorganizing
and visionary projects they will be defeated
by the virtue and gallantry of our people.
The European Governments reasoning from examples
of their own are always led into false conclusions
of the consequences to be expected from attacks
on our Union, and the distress of our citizens.
This War will give them useful lessons in every quarter
of the United States where the experiment may be made.
By your last letters it seems probable that a considerable
British force had been landed at Pensacola with the
connivance of the Spanish authorities there and at Havana,
and by other intelligence it may be presumed that
a pressure or at least menace will be made on the
Western side of the Mississippi by Nacogdoches
and Natchitoches which latter will probably be
by Spanish troops and for the purpose of menace only.
You have had at your command all the regular force
in the District with the detailed Militia in Louisiana, the
Mississippi Territory and Tennessee, and you have also
had authority to engage on our side the Warriors of the
Choctaw, Chickasaw and Creek nations of or so many
of them as you might think proper to employ having
it in view at the same time to secure the affection
and neutrality of all the members of those tribes.
It is known that the regular troops are distributed
into many posts and that the militia of Louisiana
will be less efficient for general purposes from
the dread of domestic insurrection so that on the
militia of Tennessee your principal reliance must be.
The President taking all circumstances into consideration
has thought proper to order five thousand additional
troops from Tennessee to march to your aid as soon
as possible by the most direct and convenient routes,
unless before they set out on their march,
they shall receive countermanding orders from you.
He has likewise requested the Governor of Georgia
to hold in readiness subject to your order
twenty-five hundred men on the presumption
that a cooperating force from that quarter
may possibly be necessary.
I sent you a copy of my letter to the Governor of Tennessee
to whom you will hasten to communicate your views
and wishes; full confidence is entertained in your judgment
in the discharge of this discretionary power vested in you.
Measures are taken for procuring in the neighboring
towns and forwarding to your orders blankets
and some other presents for the Creeks,
Choctaws, and other friendly Indians.
These will be sent by wagons.
Apprehending much difficulty in the prosecution of
your campaign which it may not be in your power to
remove without money I have transmitted to
Governor Blount One hundred thousand Dollars in
Treasury Notes to be applied to the necessary expenses
of the campaign in discharging Indian claims and
supplying their wants, an object to be attended to at the
present time equally from motives of policy and humanity.
You will therefore draw on him for the necessary funds.
Of these expenditures you will keep a regular account.
Should it be found more convenient you are
authorized to draw on this Department for such
necessary expenditures at sixty or thirty days sight.39
The state of Louisiana had been granting immunity to pirates.
Jackson believed that was a national disgrace, and he ended that policy.
Jackson from Mobile wrote a letter to Louisiana’s Governor Blount on 7 October 1814
and a letter to Secretary of State Monroe on October 10 and another on October 14.
Louisiana’s Governor Claiborne from New Orleans
wrote two letters to Jackson on October 17.
Jackson received a short letter from Secretary of State Monroe on October 19
that ordered the militia to turn in their arms when they quit the service.
On October 21 Monroe wrote:
I hasten to communicate to you the directions
of the President that you should at present
take no measures, which would involve
this Government in a contest with Spain.
A minister having lately been appointed on our part
to that Government, and our relations with it being
amicable, it is deemed more proper, that a representation
of the insolent and unjustifiable conduct of the Governor
of Pensacola should be made to that Government
through the Ordinary channels of communication
than that you should resent it by an attack on Pensacola.
The President approves the manly tone with which
you have asserted the rights of your country in your
correspondence with the Governor of that province.
Very important interests are committed to you,
and great confidence is entertained that
you will meet the expectation of the
Government in the discharge of your duties.
It is thought very probable that the British forces expected
from Europe under Lord Hill will be directed to Louisiana.
To enable you to meet this pressure 7,500 men have
been Ordered from Tennessee, 2,500 from Kentucky
and a like number from Georgia; and it is expected
that the Warriors of all the friendly tribes of Indians
will be secured by you on our side.
One hundred thousand Dollars have been placed, subject to
your Order, in the hands of the Governor of Tennessee,
for the public service; and blankets and other Articles will
be forwarded without delay for the use of the Indians.40
After getting another letter Governor Claiborne wrote on October 24.
Jackson from Pearce’s Stockade on the 26th explained in a letter to
Secretary Monroe why he acted without orders from the government:
As I act without the orders of the government,
I deem it important to state to you my reasons
for the measure I am about to adopt.
First I conceive the safety of this section
of the union depends upon it.
The Hostility of the Governor of Pensacola in permitting
the place to assume the character of a British Territory
by resigning the command of the Fortresses to them,
Permitting them to fit out an expedition against the U. S.
and after its failure to return to the Town refit,
and make arrangements for a second expedition.
At the same time making to me a declaration
that he (the Governor) had armed the Indians
and sent them into our Territory.
Knowing at the same time that these very Indians had
under the command of a British officer captured our citizens
and destroyed their property within our own Territory.
I feel a confidence that I shall stand Justified to my
government for having undertaken the expedition.
Should I not, I shall have the consolation of having done
the only thing in my own opinion which could give security
by putting down a savage war, and what to me will be
an ample reward for the loss of my commission.
I enclose you the report of Major McIntosh of the Cowetas
which will show you this is the moment
to strike the enemy in his stronghold.
A successful attack will make all
the Indians our friends from fear.
I have now with me about seven hundred Choctaws
who have been out and killed seven of the hostile Creeks,
which has so animated them with a thirst for military fame
as to bring to our standard the whole warriors of the nation.
The Chickasaws have not yet Joined me,
but the march of General Coffee through the nation
will no doubt have a tendency to bring them out.
I have ordered to be purchased a Blanket Flap and shirt
for each of the Choctaws, to be deducted from their pay.
And have authorized Col. Hawkins to purchase for the
friendly Creeks who are willing to take the field the same
clothing to be in like manner deducted from their pay.
The Caddo Chief with the neighboring tribes
twelve in number have made a tender of their services
with between 500 and a 1000 warriors to the United States.
They are all well-armed with Rifles, and I have ordered
them to be enrolled and placed at the disposal of the
officer commanding Fort Claibourn (Natchitoches).
This will afford security to that country for the present,
both from external and internal enemies.
I hope in a few weeks to have this section
of my District in security, and to move with
General Coffee’s mounted men to New Orleans.
The Gun Boats have not yet reached their station
on the Lakes, and I have feared lest the enemy should
be enabled to cut off our supplies from New Orleans
before a sufficient stock could be procured from Tennessee.
But this fear has been somewhat abated by the receipt
of a letter from Commodore Patterson assuring me of his
exertions to keep open the communication by the Lakes.
The contractors as usual on the route from Tennessee
to Fort Jackson have starved and detained my troops
except the 1st Regiment of West Tennessee militia
and Captain William A. Butler of the 44 U. S. Infantry
who with the spirit and enterprise of good Soldiers
have surmounted all difficulties and reached me.
I thank you for the Treasury notes sent to Governor Blount
and feel confident that they will enable me with the
sums advanced by the Banks of Nashville and
New Orleans to restore the credit of the government.
The affair at Mobile Point of the 15th Inst has also
had a salutary affect in restoring confidence
to the people in the resources of the government.
I shall in a short time be enabled to Judge of
the forces necessary to the defense of my district,
when all surplus force will be discharged.
I have ordered the troops lately required of
West Tennessee direct to New Orleans, but can
change their destination on their route if requisite.
I hope I may not have occasion
for the Georgia requisition.41
Governor Claiborne from New Orleans wrote to
General Jackson on 4 November 1814 and again on November 5.
Jackson’s army stopped two miles west of Pensacola on November 6,
and on that day he wrote two letters to González Manrique.
On the night of November 7 Jackson took
all but 500 men to the woods near Pensacola.
The Spanish army there had less than 500 men.
González Manrique, the Spanish Governor of West Florida,
corresponded with General Jackson with short letters from November
with several letters from November 6 to the 9th.
After defeating the British, Jackson and his army returned to Mobile on November 11.
Jackson sent a 4-page letter to Secretary of State Monroe on November 14,
and in his concluding paragraph he wrote,
Thus Sir I have broken up the hot bed of the
Indian War and Convinced the Spaniards That
we will permit no equivocations in a nation
professing neutrality while we most scrupulously
respect national, neutral and Individual rights.
For information as to the route pursued on the March
and my entry into Pensacola I am indebted to the
intelligence and disinterested exertions of Col. Smith
who conducted the right, Mr. Boyles who was with
the center, and half-breed Mr. Cartin who was the
guide to the left column, as also to Captain Devereux
who leaving his Volunteer Company offered his
services as a guide, was useful in that capacity
and in loosening the buoys of the Sea-horse frigate
left before Pensacola while exposed to his fire.42
Jackson enclosed reports on the Officers commanding Regiments.
On November 16 from Fort Pierce he issued General Orders.
He concluded,
When the Major progresses beyond the Escambia
as far as his Judgment may direct, he will send
five hundred of his mounted men to Fort Jackson
for the defense thereof and to Scourge any party
of the Seminoles that they may fall in with.
Information has this moment reached me
from Col. Hawkins that they are for war.
It would be desirable if your supplies would Justify it,
that you could reach the Seminole Towns
and destroy them, but this is left to your
judgment to act agreeable to the Supplies.43
On November 20 General Jackson from Mobile wrote a 3-page letter
to Secretary of State Monroe, and in this concluding paragraph
he offered these improvements:
Before I close this communication permit me to suggest
a plan which will on a fair experiment do away or lessen
the expenses under the existing mode of calling militia forces
into the field; whenever there happens to be a deficiency
in the regular force in any particular quarter, Let the
Government determine on the number of troops
necessary to be employed for example 150,000 men.
This number should be apportioned to the different States
agreeably to the representation thereof,
and called into service for and during the war.
The respective quotas will in my opinion be soon raised
by the premiums offered by those subject to militia duty,
rather than be harassed by repeated drafts.
Let the bounty at present offered
by government be also given.
I will insure an immediate force in the field; who
(being placed under the Officers now in commission,
and the most experienced men selected for Office)
will present an effective army in every quarter, sufficient to
drive all enemies from your shores and to reduce Canada.
At Once to put an end to the Indian warfare in the
North West; offer a large bounty of land in that
Country to an army who will enroll themselves
to engage in that contest; and make themselves
master of the soil; furnish them with rations only,
and you will have immediate possession of the Country,
and notwithstanding the pretensions of Great Britain
to the contrary, Peace with the Indians.44
General Jackson also on November 22 offered much advice in a letter
to Brigadier General James Winchester in New Orleans.
Jackson and his officers crossed Lake Ponchartrain on November 30.
On December 1 General Jackson and his men marched in the streets
and were hailed as the saviors of New Orleans.
On 10 December 1814 Secretary of State James Monroe in Washington
and General Andrew Jackson in New Orleans wrote a letter to each other.
The next day Jackson wrote to Brigadier-General John Coffee
advising him to hold his Brigade in complete readiness to march.
Jackson from New Orleans on December 16
wrote to Secretary Monroe in this letter that concluded:
The communication shut with Mobile, and the lakes
in the peaceable enjoyment of the enemy will give him
great advantages over us, but I still trust with the smiles
of heaven I will be able to repulse him,
if he lands or attempts an invasion up the River.
The Tennessee and Kentucky troops have not reached me,
but I hope they will in a few days.
I am laboring to have the defense of the River completed.
The British are in the Balize and have captured
my piquit and taken off with them three Pilots;
there must have been treachery in this.
The corporal of the Piquit was ordered on the sight
of the enemy to retire and bring off the Pilots.
I fear that Williams the Inspector of the port
has proved faithless to his Government,
as the enemy have not interrupted him.
I have declared the City under Martial Law
and called on the Militia of Louisiana in Mass.
The Country shall be defended, if in the power of the
Physical force it contains with the auxiliary force ordered.
We have no arms here.
Will the Government order a supply.
If it will, let it be speedily;
without Arms a defense cannot be made.45
On 18 December 1814 Major General Jackson gave an address to his troops
in New Orleans including the embodied militia,
the battalion of uniform companies, and the free men of color.
From his camp below New Orleans on December 27 General Jackson wrote a letter
to Secretary of States James Monroe, and he described various officers and their forces.
On 3 January 1815 Major General Andrew Jackson from a camp
four miles
from New Orleans wrote in a letter to Secretary of War James Monroe that began:
Again I must apprise you that the Arms I have been
so long expecting have not Arrived; all we hear of them
is that they are on the river, and that the man who has
been entrusted with their transportation, has halted on
the way for the purpose of private speculations.
Depend upon it this supineness, this negligence,
this criminality, let me call it, of which we witness
so many instances in the agents of Government,
must finally lead, if it be not corrected, to the defeat of our
armies, and to the disgrace of those who superintend them.
It is impossible that I should not feel the utmost solicitude,
and even uneasiness on the occasion.
It is true we have been enabled for ten days by
indefatigable exertion to protect the city of Orleans, and to
maintain our position before an enemy, greatly exceeding us
in number, in discipline, and in all the preparations for war;
but this is an instance of good fortune not
to have been expected, and which furnishes
no safe foundation for future hope.
Every reliance may be placed on the bravery of my Men;
but without arms it is impossible they can effect much.
General Adair, who acts as Adjutant General for the
Detachment from Kentucky, arrived at my quarters
last evening, having left the troops at Lafourche.
Their arrival before this time has been prevented by
adverse winds; but when they come, not more than
one third of them are armed, and those very
indifferently, I have none to put in their hands, and can
therefore make no very useful disposition of them.46
On January 4 over 2,000 militia arrived from Kentucky to reinforce Jackson’s Army.
On January 7 Commodore Daniel T. Patterson from the West Bank
of the Mississippi River wrote two letters to General Jackson.
The next day Jackson gave an address to his troops on the right bank,
and he concluded with this paragraph:
Officers! I have the fullest confidence that you will
enforce Obedience to your Commands, and above all
that by subordination in your different grades
you will set the example of it to your Men.
And that hereafter the Army of the right will yield to none
in the essential qualities which characterize good Soldiers;
and that they will earn their share of those honors
and rewards, which their country
will prepare for its deliverers.47
On 9 January 1815 General Jackson from his camp four miles
below New Orleans wrote another letter to Secretary Monroe.
In his conclusion he described how the battle changed on that day:
The entire destruction of the enemy’s army
was now inevitable, had it not been for an
unfortunate occurrence which at this moment
took place on the other side of the river.
Simultaneously with his advance upon my lines,
he had thrown over in his boats a considerable
force to the other side of the river.
These having landed were hardy enough to advance
against the works of General Morgan; and what is
strange and difficult to account for, at the very moment
when their entire discomfiture was looked for with
a confidence approaching to certainty, the Kentucky
reinforcements, ingloriously fled, drawing after them
by their example the remainder of the forces; and thus
yielding to the enemy that most fortunate position.
The batteries which had rendered me for many days
the most important service, though bravely defended,
were of course now abandoned;
not however, until the guns had been spiked.
This unfortunate route had totally
changed the aspect of affairs.
The enemy now occupied a position from
which they might annoy us without hazard,
and by means of which they might have been
enabled to defeat in a great measure the effects
of our success on this side of the river.
It became therefore an object of the first
consequence to dislodge him as soon as possible.
For this object all the means in my power, which I could
with safety use, were immediately put in preparation.
Perhaps however it was somewhat owing to another
cause that I succeeded beyond my expectations,
in negotiating the terms of a temporary suspension
of hostilities to enable the enemy to bury their dead
and provide for their wounded, I had required certain
propositions to be acceded to as a basis; among which
was this one—that although hostilities should cease
on this side the river until 12 o’clock of this day;
yet it was not to be understood that they should
cease on the other side; but that no reinforcements
should be sent across by either army
until the expiration of that day.
His excellency major-general Lambert begged time to
consider of these propositions until 10 o’clock of today,
and in the meantime recrossed his troops.
I need not tell you with how much eagerness
I immediately regained possession of the position
he had thus hastily quitted.
The enemy having concentered his forces, may
again attempt to drive me from my position by storm.
Whenever he does, I have no doubt my men
will act with their usual firmness and sustain
a character now become dear to them.48
On January 11 Major-General Andrew Jackson from Below New Orleans
wrote this short letter to Major-General Lambert:
In answer to my request to be furnished with a list of
the prisoners taken from this army, I have just received
a roster signed by Mr. Duplissis containing ? names.
It has filled me with astonishment that, that roster
contains the names of many persons who cannot be
considered as prisoners of War, while it omits many
others who were really taken in the attack of the 3rd Ulto.
In settling an exchange of prisoners, the above reasons,
added to others, make it absolutely necessary that the
correspondence should be carried on, and the arrangement
effected, by the Commanders in Chief of the two Armies;
or by Officers specially authorized by them for this purpose.
I have the honor to command the American forces
in this quarter; and am willing at any proper moment
to adjust an exchange of Prisoners with the Officer who
commands in Chief the British land forces on this Station.
If that Officer shall feel similarly inclined, he will be
good enough to acquaint me with his disposition.
The reasons will be perceived which make it necessary
that in furnishing a list of prisoners to be used in
adjusting an exchange, it should express their
respective grades, to what corps they belonged,
and in what action or on what occasion they were taken.49
On 13 January 1815 Major General Jackson wrote from a Camp
4 Miles Below Orleans in this letter to the Secretary of State Monroe:
At such a crisis I conceive it my duty to keep you
constantly advised of my situation.
On the 10th Inst. I forwarded you an account of the
bold attempt made by the enemy on the morning of
the 8th to take possession of my works by storm,
and of the severe repulse which he met with.
That report having been sent by the Mail which crosses the
Lake may possibly have miscarried; for which reason I think
it the more necessary, briefly to repeat the substance of it.
Early on the morning of the 8th, the enemy,
having been actively employed the two preceding
days in making preparations for a storm,
advanced in two strong columns on my Right and Left.
They were received, however, with a firmness
which, it seems, they little expected,
and which defeated all their hopes.
My men, undisturbed by their approach, which indeed
they had long anxiously wished for, opened upon them
a fire so deliberate and certain as rendered their
scaling ladders and fascines, as well as their more
direct implements of warfare, perfectly useless.
For upwards of an hour it was continued with
a briskness of which there have been
but few instances, perhaps in any country.
In justice to the enemy it must be said
they withstood it as long as could have been
expected from the most determined bravery.
At length however when all prospect of success
became hopeless, they fled in confusion from the field,
leaving it covered with their dead and wounded.
Their loss was immense.
I had at first computed it at 1500;
but it is since ascertained to have been much greater.
Upon information which is believed to be correct
Col. Haynes, the Inspector General,
reports it to be in the total 2600.
His report I enclose to you.
My loss was inconsiderable;
being only seven killed and six wounded.
Such a disproportion in loss, when we consider the
number and the kind of troops engaged must, I know, excite
astonishment, and may not everywhere be fully credited.
Yet I am perfectly satisfied that the amount is not
exaggerated on the one part nor underrated on the other.
The enemy having hastily quitted a post which
they had gained possession of, on the other side
of the river, and we having immediately returned to it,
both armies at present, occupy their former positions.
Whether after the severe losses he has sustained,
he is preparing to return to his shipping,
or to make still mightier efforts to attain his first object,
I do not pretend to determine.
It becomes me to act as though the latter were his intention.
One thing however seems certain, that if he still
calculates on effecting what he had hitherto been
unable to accomplish, he must expect considerable
reinforcements; as the force with which he landed
must undoubtedly be diminished by at least 3000.
Besides the loss which he sustained on the night
of the 23rd ulto., which is estimated at 400,
he cannot have suffered less, between that period and the
morning of the 8th Inst, than 300, having within that time,
been repulsed in two general attempts to drive us
from our position, and there having been continual
cannonading and skirmishing during the whole of it.
Yet he is still able to show a very formidable force.
There is little doubt that the commanding general Sir Edwd.
Packingham was killed in the action of the 8th; and that
majors general Kean and Gibbs were badly wounded.
Whenever a more leisure moment shall occur, I will take
the liberty to make out and forward you a more
circumstantial account of the several actions,
and particularly of that of the 8th, in doing which
my chief motive will be to render justice to those
brave men I have the honor to command, and who
have so remarkably distinguished themselves.50
On 19 January 1815 General Jackson sent this report to Secretary of State Monroe:
Last night at 12 o’clock the enemy precipitately
decamped, leaving behind him under medical
attendance 80 of his wounded, including two officers—
fourteen pieces of his heavy artillery and a considerable
quantity of shot, having destroyed much of his powder.
Such was the situation of the ground which he abandoned,
and of that through which he retired, protected by canals,
redoubts, entrenchments and swamps on his Right
and the river on his Left; that I could not, without
encountering a risk which my true policy did not seem
to require or authorize, annoy him much on his retreat.
We took only eight prisoners.
Whether it is the purpose of the enemy to abandon the
expedition altogether, or renew his efforts at some other
point I shall not pretend to decide with positiveness.
In my own mind however there is very little doubt
but that his last exertions have been made in this
quarter; at any rate for the present season;
and by the next, if he shall choose to revisit us,
I hope we shall be fully prepared for him.
In this belief I am strengthened, not only by the
prodigious loss he sustained at the position he has just
quitted, but by the failure of his fleet to pass Fort St. Phillips.
His loss, since the debarkation of his troops,
as stated by all the last prisoners and deserters,
and as confirmed by many additional circumstances
exceeded in the whole four thousand, and was greater
in the action of the 8th than from the most correct data
then in his power, was estimated by my Inspector General,
whose report has been forwarded to you.
I am more and more satisfied in the belief that had
the arms reached us which were destined for us,
the whole British army in this quarter would
before this time been captured or destroyed.
We succeeded however on that day in getting from
the enemy about a 1000 stand of various descriptions.
Since that action I have allowed the enemy
very little respite—my artillery from both sides
of the river being constantly employed till the night
and the hour of their retreat in annoying them.
It was time to quit a position in which
so little rest could be enjoyed!
I am advised by Major Overton who commands
at Fort St. Phillips, in a letter of the 18th,
that the enemy having bombarded his Fort for
8 or 9 days from 13-inch mortars without producing any
important effect, had on the morning of that day retired.
Giving the proper weight to all these considerations,
I believe you will not think me too sanguine in the belief
that Louisiana is now clear of its enemy.
I hope I need not assure you, however,
that wherever I command, such a belief shall not
occasion any relaxation in the preparations for resistance.
I am too sensible that the moment when
the enemy is opposing us, is not the most
proper for making those preparations.
P. S. On the 18th our prisoners on shore were delivered
to us in an exchange having been previously agreed to.
Those who are on board the fleet will be delivered
at Petit Coquille—after which I shall still have
in my hands an excess of several hundred.
20th—Mr. Shields, purser in the navy, has today taken
fifty-four prisoners; among them are four officers.51
General Jackson in a letter from New Orleans to Secretary of State Monroe
on 25 January 1815 asked for 5,000 regular troops necessary for permanent defense,
and he recommended 6 companies of Light Artillery and 1,000 riflemen as suitable.
On February 5 Secretary Monroe wrote back to Jackson and informed him
that 5,000 additional troops from Kentucky and 2,500 from Tennessee
were ordered with a supply of arms.
On February 13 General Jackson sent Monroe
a 6-page report on the New Orleans campaign.
On February 14 Monroe sent this short letter to Jackson:
It is with great satisfaction I inform you that a Treaty
of peace was concluded between the United States and
Great Britain at Ghent on the 24th day of December last.
A copy of this Treaty was received today by Mr. Carroll;
has been examined by the President,
and will I have no doubt be ratified.
I give you this information that hostilities may immediately
cease between our troops and those of Great Britain.52
On February 18 Jackson wrote to Monroe advising him that Mobile needs to be protected.
On February 24 Louisiana Governor Claiborne wrote to Major General Jackson
urging him to detain the Militia of Louisiana no longer because of various concerns.
On 7 March 1815 General Jackson in his General Orders dismissed
the Louisiana Militia, though many volunteer battalions were not discharged.
The United States Treasury Secretary Alexander J. Dallas in 1814-16
was also the Secretary of War from 2 March 1815 to 1 August 1815.
On March 14 he sent this short letter to Jackson:
By the act of Congress fixing the military peace
establishment of the United States, only two Major Generals
can be retained in the service; the President, fully impressed
with your merit, has decided to continue you as one of those
Major Generals, should it comport with your own views;
of this he requests to be advised as soon as
you shall have decided on the subject.
From motives of delicacy towards others, I wish you
to consider this communication as strictly confidential.53
Dallas also wrote letters to General Jackson on April 12, May 22 and July 1,
and Jackson corresponded with him.
On March 21 Major General Jackson made a farewell speech
to the troops in New Orleans, and he concluded,
Again the commanding General, before
pronouncing a painful farewell must present his
acknowledgements and thanks to both officers
and soldiers for the Zealous aid and concert of
the former and for the faithful services of the latter.
Though the expression of these thanks be feeble
they have the assurance that the gratitude of a nation of
Freemen is theirs—the approbation of an admiring world.54
Edward Livingston practiced law in New Orleans, and he had helped
secure amnesty for Jean Lafitte so that he could help defend the city.
Louisiana had been admitted as a state on 30 April 1812.
He had advised Jackson as one of his aides-de-camp.
On 27 March 1815 Livingston wrote,
On the Nature and Effect of the proclamation
of Martial Law by Major General Jackson,
my Opinion is that such proclamation is unknown
either to the Constitution or Laws of the U. S.
1st That it is to be justified only by the necessity
of the Case and that therefore the General proclaims
it at his risk and under his responsibility both
to the government and to individuals.
Where the necessity is apparent he will meet reward
instead of punishment from his Government, and
individual claims for Damages must be appreciated
by the same rule under the Discretion of a jury.
Should they in the opinion of the Government Decide
falsely against their Officer, they have a right which
they have frequently exercised of indemnifying him
for the Disinterested responsibility he has incurred.
2nd That the Effect of a proclamation of martial Law
De facto is to bring all persons who may happen to be
within the District Comprised in the proclamation;
under the provision of such law, and therefore all persons
capable of Defending the Country within the District are
subject to such law by Virtue of the proclamation and
may be tried During its continuance by Virtue thereof.55
On 12 April 1815 Secretary of War Dallas wrote
to Major General Jackson and concluded:
The President instructs me to take this
opportunity of requesting that a conciliatory
deportment may be observed towards the
state authorities and the citizens of New Orleans.
He is persuaded that Louisiana justly Estimates the value
of the talents and valor, which have been displayed for
her defense and safety; and that there will be no disposition
in any part of the nation to review with severity the efforts
of a commander acting in a crisis of unparalleled difficulty,
upon the impulse of the purest patriotism.56
Jackson from Nashville wrote back to Dallas that
he would send him a report on the merits of his officers.
On May 22 Dallas wrote to Jackson that he had been appointed
commander of the South Division in the new organization of the Army,
and he asked for advice from Jackson on various issues.
On June 20 Jackson wrote to Dallas about rumors in the Creek nation
about the lines the commissioners were drawing for borders.
Col. Benjamin Hawkins wrote to Jackson about that issue on July 17,
and Jackson responded with this conclusion on August 14:
From the talk delivered by the Creek Chiefs to the
Commissioners at Fort Strother it seems they maintain
with great earnestness that they loaned the Cherokees
the land to which they now lay claim bounded by a line
running from the mouth of Highwassee river over to the
Coosa, down that river to the mouth of Hullucka Creek
(now Will’s Creek) and thence up Hullucka and across to
the mouth of Poughchijah Creek of Tennessee river,
(near which Fort Deposit is situated) at a time when,
as they say the Cherokees had become crazy and lost
a great part of theirs, by going to War with the Whites.
Whether their statement be correct may be ascertained
by the recollection of some of the old chiefs and of the Boot
who is said to have acted as Interpreter when the loan was
made; and if, on the proper examination their representation
shall be found true the commissioners will have no
hesitation in running the line, in conformity thereto,
to the Tennessee, down the Tombigby (being the
boundary with the Choctaws) to the line of the Territory.57
On 4 September 1815 Jackson from Nashville sent his
Talk to the Creeks whom he addresses as “Friends and Brothers.”
In conclusion he wrote:
I have heard your talks through your friend
Captain Hutchings who is also my friend,
and answer that the Prisoners will be restored
that is in the hands of the Choctaws and
Cherokees and Chickasaws, as soon as your
nation is able to feed them and a written
request is forwarded by the Chiefs
of your nation in council for them.58
William H. Crawford was Secretary of War from 1 August 1815 to 22 October 1816,
and then he became Secretary of the Treasury until 6 March 1825.
Major General Andrew Jackson from Washington wrote this letter
to Secretary Crawford on 17 December 1815:
So soon as the running of the Indian-line will allow it,
a chain of posts should, I am persuaded,
be extended from Mobile to the Georgia line.
One of which should be at the point where the
E. Florida line crosses the Escambia—another
where it crosses the Chactawhatchee—and a
third where it crosses the Apalachicola
I suggest these now, as the best sites, which my
knowledge of the country enables me to point out;
but it is not impossible, when the country comes to be
better explored, more eligible positions may be discovered.
This Chain, however, I doubt not, will be sufficient
for our present views by preventing the operation of
foreign influence upon the Natives, and by offering
a strong inducement for the speedy settlement of
that section of the country by our own Citizens,
both of which I conceive to be considerations deserving
the most serious attention of the Government.
As closely connected with the defense of the most
important part of my Division I must take this occasion
to recommend the propriety of facilitating the
intercourse with that district of country which on any
great emergency must supply the means for this defense.
A road leading from Nashville (which is the proper point
it should commence at) to New Orleans, may be conducted
over much better ground than that which is at present
travelled with a saving of more than 300 miles.
A passage thus shortening the distance for the
transportation as well of supplies as of men from that
country, which on such an occasion, must furnish both,
may be of incalculable consequence in our future operations.
Let me add also as a consideration Deserving great weight,
that this road will scarcely touch upon land to which
the Indian title has not been extinguished.
The designation, however, of this road, should be
entrusted only to someone in whose honor and honesty
the Government has the highest confidence.
The opening of it may be of very little expense.59
Notes
1. Ibid., p. 276-277.
2. Ibid., p. 292-294.
3. Ibid., p. 295.
4. Ibid., p. 296.
5. Ibid., p. 299.
6. Life of Andrew Jackson by James Parton, Volume I, p. 386-396.
7. Ibid., p. 319-320.
8. Ibid., p. 320-321.
9. A Brutal Reckoning: Andrew Jackson, the Creek Indians, and the Epic War
for the American South by Peter Cozzens, p. 171.
10. Ibid., p. 183.
11. Ibid., p. 184.
12. Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, Volume I, p. 344-345.
13. Ibid., p. 345-346.
14. Ibid., p. 348, 350.
15. Ibid., p. 362-363.
16. Ibid., p. 364.
17. Ibid., p. 366-367.
18. Ibid., p. 374.
19. Ibid., p. 378.
20. Ibid., p. 391.
21. Ibid., p. 410-411.
22. Ibid., p. 416, 417, 418-419, 420.
23. Ibid., p. 428.
24. Ibid., p. 486.
25. Ibid., p. 492.
26. Ibid., p. 493.
27. Ibid., p. 508.
28. Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, Volume II May 1, 1814 to December 31, 1819, p. 12-13.
29. Ibid., p. 25-26.
30. Ibid., p. 27.
31. Ibid., p. 28-29.
32. Ibid., p. 30-31.
33. Ibid., p. 42.
34. Ibid., p. 43.
35. Ibid., p. 46.
36. Ibid., p. 50-51.
37. Ibid., p. 57-58.
38. Ibid., p. 58-59.
39. Ibid., p. 60-63.
40. Ibid., p. 79-80.
41. Ibid., p. 82-83.
42. Ibid., p. 99.
43. Ibid., p. 101.
44. Ibid., p. 103.
45. Ibid., p. 116.
46. Ibid., p. 130.
47. Ibid., p. 136.
48. Ibid., p. 137-138.
49. Ibid., p. 139-140.
50. Ibid., p. 142-144.
51. Ibid., p. 148-149.
52. Ibid., p. 170.
53. Ibid., p. 190.
54. Ibid., p. 196.
55. Ibid., p. 197-198.
56. Ibid., p. 204.
57. Ibid., p. 214-215.
58. Ibid., p. 217.
59. Ibid., p. 222-223.
Andrew Jackson to 1812
Andrew Jackson & Wars 1813-15
Andrew Jackson & Indian Wars 1816-20
Andrew Jackson 1821-24
Andrew Jackson 1825-28
President Jackson in 1829
President Jackson & Indians 1829-36
President Jackson in 1830
President Jackson in 1831
Jackson’s Veto & Banks in 1832
President Jackson in 1833
President Jackson in 1834
President Jackson in 1835
President Jackson in 1836
Andrew Jackson 1837-45
Andrew Jackson Summary & Evaluation
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