On 2 March 1809 James W. Stevens wrote on behalf of the
Batavia Genesee County of the state of New York in a
letter to Secretary of State Madison:
At this critical and eventful period in our national Affairs
I have ventured with the most perfect respect for the
Administration to solicit their Attention to some Matters
of minor Consideration, which in the present embarrassed
State of our foreign Relations, necessarily occupying
so much of the Attention of our Government, have
not perhaps been the Subject of their Reflection,
or at least have not perhaps been so duly
appreciated as their Importance demands.
Everything at present breathes the Spirit of War,
and if War is to be our only Alternative let us
immediately improve the Advantages we possess
in Order that we may be prepared for the event.
At a time so seriously important an early Attention
to the Indian Department will be indispensably requisite.
It is to be regretted that our Government have
adopted the Policy of cultivating the Neutrality
of the Indians within our own Limits, while the
British are so assiduously courting their Alliance,
and by every Artifice in their power preparing
them for Acts of Hostility against the United States.
It is a fact which those who have the most perfect
knowledge of the Indian Character uniformly
admit, that in Case of a War an Indian Neutrality
within the United States cannot be preserved.
That flame which has so natural a Tendency to animate
the Ambition and to excite the Enthusiasm of the White Man
produces a correspondent Emotion in the Savage Breast.
They are from their Nature and Habits passionately
fond of War, and if we do not receive them as Auxiliaries,
they will enlist under the Banners of our Enemies.
To avoid these Calamities, necessarily incident to
this State of things, I would recommend that a different
system or Policy should be immediately adopted.
It will be our true Interest and the most effectual
Mode to promote the Cause of Humanity (an Object
which the Administration have had in View by their
pacific Overtures to the Indians) if we court their
friendship and receive them as Allies in fighting our Battles.
Let us not plume ourselves upon our own Strength
as adequate to the Task of Subduing our Enemies;
let us not underrate the Importance of the Indians;
for that Secretly wounds their Pride, and by fatal
Experience they may be tempted to convince us
of our Error; by outrages afflicting to humanity
they may teach us that they are not to be despised.
Let us, if possible, endeavor to counteract the Intrigues
of the British with them and hold them as a Rod over
the Canadians, which I am convinced will much more
effectually prevent their Irruptions into our Territory,
and confine them more immediately to their own
Defense than any Measures we can pursue.
I “hold this Truth self-evident,” that the Terror excited
by a well organized Indian force in our Interest would
alone contribute as much towards subduing Canada,
or at least inducing her to join the American Confederacy,
as an Army of twenty thousand disciplined Troops
sent into that Country to reduce her to subjection.
And if the Indians are willing to aid us, and if this Aid will
alleviate the Burden of War why should we reject their
Services through Mistaken Notions of Humanity, when it
is evident that this Policy will not have the desired Effect?
Another Object of much national Importance in our
present situation would be to send Emissaries in whom
we could repose Confidence into Canada (and indeed
into the Spanish Dominions) in Order to ascertain their
Strength, the Nature of the Country, and the Character
and Disposition of the People, that we might apply that
Information to our own Advantage in Case of War.
Another Object of the first Importance in Case of a War
with Great Britain would be to detach the Northwest
Company from the British Interest, and through them to
cultivate the Friendship and Co-operation of the various
Tribes of Indians with whom they are connected in Trade.
This I conceive may be readily effected
in the following Manner, viz.
To make Overtures to some of the most influential
Characters composing that Association with an Assurance
from the United States that in Case they with their Indian
Connection would join the Standard of the Union, they
should not only enjoy their ancient Privileges as heretofore,
but that the United States would guarantee to them
exclusively the Privilege of Importation through Hudson’s
Bay and the Waters of Nelson’s River, as well as other
Rivers discharging themselves into the Bay, from which
they are at present excluded, and also the exclusive Trade
of those Countries, which is at present so unprofitably &
oppressively monopolized by the Hudson’s Bay Company.
The Northwest Company are under the Necessity of
transporting their Articles intended for the Indian Trade
in bark Canoes through a Tract of Country upwards of
three thousand Miles in Extent through numerous Rivers
and fresh Water Lakes, where the Canoes with the Articles
they contain are carried on Men’s Backs by the most
toilsome Operation over upwards of 130 carrying Places
from twenty five Paces to thirteen Miles in Length!1
In early March 1809 outgoing President Thomas Jefferson wrote
for the incoming President James Madison this Memorandum:
Information having been received in October last
that many intruders had settled on the lands of the
Cherokees & Chickasaws; the letter from General
Dearborn to Col. Meigs was written to have them
ordered off & to inform them they would be removed
by military force in the spring if still on the lands.
These orders remain still to be given, & they should
go to the officer commanding at Highwassee.
A very discreet officer should be selected on the
Cherokee lands; Wafford’s settlement should not
be disturbed as the Indians themselves expect to
arrange that with us, & the exchange for lands
beyond the Mississippi will furnish a good opportunity.
From the lands of the Chickasaws all should be removed
except those who settled on Doublehead’s reserve under
titles from him; & they should be notified that those
lands having been claimed by the Chickasaws as well
as the Cherokees, we purchased the Cherokee right
with an exception of Doublehead’s reserve, which we
did not guarantee to him, but left it as it stood under
the claims of both nations; that consequently they are
not under our protection. that whenever we purchase
the Chickasaw right, all their titles under Doublehead
will become void; as our laws do not permit individuals
to purchase lands from the Indians: that they should
therefore look out for themselves in time.
At Detroit General Dearborn & myself had
concluded to purchase for the War Department
farm near Detroit, now held by the Treasury office
in satisfaction of a delinquency, provided it could be
bought at its real value, supposed about 1000 or 1200.
Dearborn to employ the dwelling house and appurtenances
for a school for the instruction of the Indian boys & girls in
reading Etc., learning English & household & mechanical arts
under the care of Pere Richard, to place in the farm house a
farmer (a laborer) of proper character to cultivate the farm
with the aid of the Indian lads for the support of the
institution, and to place on the same land the blacksmith
& carpenter, who would have Indian apprentices under them.
The advantages of assembling the whole
at one place are obvious.
Father Richard goes to France
in the Mentor to procure an aid.
If, when he brings him, he could exchange
him with Bishop Carroll for an American,
it would be infinitely more desirable.2
Chiefs and headmen of the Shawnee nation sent this letter
to Madison on 10 April 1809:
It has been three years since we met together at the
seat of Government; you then told us that we ought
to take care of our women and children and provide
well for them; we took your advice at that time you told
us you wished to help our poor women and Children.
You told us you would send a man to help us, and
that man, a Quaker, went by us coming from you;
you thought him a good man in appointing him.
Since that man has come to live with us, our women and
Children have found the benefit of it; they have had plenty
to eat, and he has helped us to make fences round our corn
fields; since he has been with us we have done very well by
his assistance to work with the young men, that we find the
benefit of it now, and you told us if we would cultivate the
Land with him that we would become independent; we find
this to be true; last summer we had plenty of corn and
every kind of Vegetables; our men are always very glad to
have our friend working with them; our friend is now about
building a Mill for us; we hope to find the benefit of it when
it is done; our young men are glad to see it, and we hope
you will go through the work now as it is begun, and we will
be independent in a short time; our friend likes all our
people, and when they meet, they are always glad to see
each other; he always gives good advice, since our friend
Kirk has lived with us, we have always found him a good
man; we are very fond of him.
The white people in the State of Ohio are also fond of him;
we do not want to part with him; as he is a good man,
we wish him to return and live with us.
The white people all wish him to return.
The Wyandots are also very fond of him and have
requested us to say that they wish him to return and
take charge of our business again; we hope our Father
will not listen to the bad stories that have gone about
against our friend, for they are all false; we therefore
hope our Father will send him back to us.
Our heart felt sorry when we found our friend was
dismissed; all our people are fond of him and sorry
to part with him; we hope our Father will not take
him away from us but send him back again soon;
we hope he will send an answer to this soon in
order to make our minds easy, as our hearts will
feel sorry until we hear of his coming back.
This is all we have to say;
it is the sentiment of our hearts.3
On 29 September 1809 Hobohoilthle wrote a fairly long letter
to President Madison, and this was his concluding paragraph:
It is usual to send talks to one another,
and in this way we shall know what we hear is true.
Our powder horns are empty; we have not ten bullets;
we yet have some turkeys and deer in our thickets.
What shall we do?
Where shall we get it?
We send this to you to let you know our poverty,
for we are very poor.
My warriors are poor; we have no ammunition;
our powder measures are so small we can keep none by us;
we have our guns but no ammunition.
What shall we do?
Our goods are so very dear; we cannot clothe ourselves;
our game is gone; we can get no skins such
as have stocks of cattle, and hogs can clothe themselves;
others must and do go naked.
We send you this to let you know our poverty.
Our turkeys are grown up, and we cannot put salt
on their tails to catch them, or have powder to shoot
sand at them; our blow guns will not reach them,
nor is their strength in our bows to reach them.4
Governor William Henry Harrison of the Indiana Territory summoned the Miamis,
Eel Rivers, Delawares, Potawatomies, and Kickapoos,
and on 30 September 1809 in the Treaty of Fort Wayne they ceded
about three million acres to the Americans for $7,000 and an annuity of $1,750.
This forced many Indians into the country of their enemies, the Chippewas and the Sioux.
Resentment of this caused the respected Wyandots and Hurons to join the confederation
led by Shawnee Chief Tecumseh and the prophet Tenskwatawa.
Tecumseh refused to accept the salt that was part of the annuity from the treaty,
and he accused the Americans of deceiving the Indians
and demanded the cessions be annulled.
He said no future cessions should be made unless all the tribes agreed.
In 1809 Tecumseh visited Indian nations from
the Seminoles in Florida to the Osages in Missouri.
He won over the Creeks, but the Choctaws and the Cherokees wanted to abide
by their treaties and wait for an actual invasion before going to war.
The Choctaw Chief Pushmataha said that war against the Americans would be suicidal.
Late in the year Tecumseh went to New York, but he was unable to enlist
the Senecas and Onondagas or others in the Iroquois alliance of the Six Nations.
Tecumseh returned to Prophetstown, and by the spring of 1810
he had a thousand warriors there trained to fight.
Governor Harrison, concerned that his policies were now going to lead to war,
became determined to crush the Indians before the British could help them.
The British sent gifts and weapons to the Indians and urged Tecumseh
to widen his confederacy and unite the tribes.
The British did not want Tecumseh to go to war prematurely,
and they tried to persuade him to wait until they gave their approval.
The Cherokee National Council on April 11 gave a letter to Return Jonathan Meigs
to be given to Secretary of War Eustis for President Madison.
This is the letter:
I now acquaint you with the result of the Council
of the deputies of the whole Cherokee Nation
held at this place according to my appointment.
On meeting the Chiefs I had convened, I delivered the
Speeches suitable to the occasion; they have received them
gladly and resolved to hold them fast: they have now united
their hearts and minds in brotherly love and in a
determination to observe sacredly the treaties concluded
with General Washington; although he has left us for better
abode; yet we feel assured that he has left behind him
traces both clear and strong of his former transactions.
The country left to us by our Ancestors has been
diminished by repeated sales to a tract barely
sufficient for us to stand on and not more than
adequate to the purpose of supporting our posterity.
We hope that the aforesaid treaties will protect us
in the possession of it, and the remembrance
of them keep the sky clear all around us.
Some of our people have gone across the Mississippi
without the consent or approbation of the Nation,
although Our Father the President in his Speech required
that they should obtain it previous to their removing.
We hope that the advice of former Presidents,
encouraging our people to apply their minds to
improvement in Agriculture and the arts, may be
continued, that their knowledge in these arts may
be extended: and we rest assured that the General
Government will not attend to or be influenced by any
straggling part of the Nation to accede to any new
arrangement of our Country that may be proposed contrary
to the Will and consent of the main body of the Nation.
We request that you will forward these communications
to Our Father, to which we add our entreaties that he will
cause his white children and their property to be kept
separate from his Red children by the lines drawn at our
former treaties, which we trust he will guarantee: even
brothers of the same mother when they are arrived at
the years of manhood they find it more agreeable, and
sometimes necessary to preserve a good understanding
between them, that their respective properties be kept
apart, not interfering the one with the other.
You are continually endeavoring to remove the intruders
off our lands; they put you to a great deal of trouble,
for you are no sooner gone than they or others return
to their former place of abode; we hope that you would
find some means of rendering your exertions on this account
more effectual, as you will thereby save yourself much
trouble and make the minds of our people easy.
We must also inform you that the Chickasaws
are very unjustly laying claim to that part of our
country bordering on the Muscle shoals—the treaties
we have already mentioned will sufficiently show the
little foundation they have to support their claim,
as our boundaries are therein particularly specified.
Respecting the navigation of the Mobile it is
out of our power to grant it: because the right
of navigating this river does not rest with us alone.
Our former treaties were concluded and confirmed
by your beloved President General Washington and
Our beloved Man the Little Turkey; they were both
sincere in their engagements; they directed us to look
to the rising sun, by it to be guided and not by the moon;
now both their Spirits have fled from our abodes and gone
to the habitation of the Great Spirit to receive the reward
of their integrity—we remember with gratitude their
benevolent labors and hold fast their words.
This we send you to transmit to the
Secretary of War as the unanimous Speech
of the Cherokee nation, as represented by
their Chiefs and deputies in Council assembled.5
On 17 July 1810 George Colbert and ten Chickasaws
wrote this letter to President Madison:
Father
You told us in writing when you were about to Establish a
Factory among us, that we should have goods at the same
price they were then sold to the Cherokees at Tellico; we
have found a very great Difference from the first beginning
of the Chickasaw Factory in the price of goods here & at
Tellico & we have to pay higher every year, so much so,
that we suppose the goods will get so high that it would be
more to our Interest to pack such goods as we want from
Mobile; which we shall be under the necessity of doing if
the price of goods is not lowered at the Chickasaw Factory.
Father
Please to inform us whether there is so great a
Difference in the prices of goods purchased annually
by the United States for the Chickasaw Factory as
we have to pay one year after another in succession?
Whether it is your advice to your Factor to Charge us
more for goods every year or whether your Factor
does it of his own accord to fill his own Coffers
& Cheat you out of what he extorts from us.
Father
We would be extremely glad to have these
few questions resolved so as to relieve our minds
from that Doubt we Cannot help entertaining of
your orders to the Factor to sell goods so high to us.
The Factor trims all the heads & shanks of our Deer
& Beaver skins & no allowance made in the price of
goods for this reduction of the weight of skins—
all which we Humbly submit to your Decision.6
Governor Harrison sent for Chief Tecumseh,
and he came to Vincennes with many armed Indians on 12 August 1810.
The Wyandots, Kickapoos, Potawatomies, Ottawas, and Winnebagos joined
the Shawnee confederacy and accepted Tecumseh as chief.
He explained to Harrison that at Tippecanoe they removed village chiefs
who had sold out to the Americans, and he tried to empower all the warriors.
Tecumseh met privately with Harrison and told him
they did not want to make war on the United States.
He said the Americans were trying to prevent the Indians from doing what they wanted.
He believed in the Great Spirit and wanted to live in harmony with everyone.
He would like to be their friend if the Governor could persuade
President Madison to give back the lands recently ceded and
never make another treaty without doing so with all the tribes.
For this Tecumseh would become their ally against the British.
Harrison told him this would not happen, and Tecumseh replied
that then they would probably have to fight.
When Harrison said that the United States had always treated the Indians fairly,
Tecumseh shouted angrily that he was lying.
Harrison adjourned the council.
The next day Tecumseh sat next to Harrison on a bench and kept moving over
until Harrison was about to be pushed off.
Tecumseh explained that that was what the whites were doing to the Indians.
Eight chiefs of the Northwestern Indians on 26 September 1810
sent this letter to President Madison:
To our great Father of the seventeen fires
Open your ears and listen to your children.
Father.
We have lighted up our council fire at this place,
and we are happy to inform you that no smoke
has arisen to obstruct the light.
Father—
That you may know what we have done,
we enclose copies of speeches, which we have sent
to our Shawnee Brethren residing near the Wabash
and to the several Nations we represent.
Father—
Your Chief Governor Hull has furnished us with tobacco
to smoke and provisions to eat during our Councils.
He has likewise attended at our own request with a
number of your Chiefs, our Council, and afforded
us all the assistance in his power.
Father—
We hope our young Brethren the Shawnees
will give you no more trouble.
We are all determined that they shall not in future
interfere with the concerns of the other Nations.
Father—
We salute you in friendship and assure you
it is our determination to live in peace with
one another and with all our white Brethren
as long as water runs and the trees grow.
Father.
Our relation to you is such, that both duty and Interest
dictate the propriety of living in friendship with you.
We have a confidence in your goodness and a firm belief,
you will do all in your power to improve our condition.
Father listen—
The general Council fire for all the Nations north west
of the River Ohio has long been established at this place.
Here it burns clear; we wish it may be continued here.
Our elder Brethren the Wyandots
have the immediate care of it.
We all wish, and we hope, Father,
you wish for their accommodation.
The seventeen fires have assigned to this
nation five thousand Acres of land at this
place and Maguago a few miles above.
Between the two Villages is a small bed of land,
lying on Detroit River on which our
Wyandot Brethren have made improvements.
We hope, Father, they will not be disturbed,
but that the seventeen fires will grant to them
this land so as to join their villages, and as far
back as will be necessary for their convenience,
and one mile on Lake Erie west of River Huron.
All the Nations Join in this request and hope
the seventeen fires will listen and grant it.
Father.
We now in the presence of Governor Hull, whom you
have appointed to superintend our affairs, and under the
direction of the great Spirit with pure and white hearts,
renew all the treaties of friendship which the several
Nations we represent have entered into with the
Seventeen Fires, and on the part of the Seventeen fires
your Commissioner has promised and renewed the
Obligations of protection stipulated in those treaties.
We take you by the hand and pledge
to you the friendship of all our Nations.
In testimony whereof we have signed these
presents in behalf of our respective Nations.7
On 15 November 1810 Tecumseh crossed the Detroit River into Canada
and addressed a council of Potawatomis, Ottawas, Sauk, Foxes, and Winnebagos
at Fort Malden where the British provided them with arms and supplies.
Enoch Parsons was the Attorney General for eastern Tennessee,
and on December 25 he wrote this letter to President Madison:
As it is contemplated to attempt bringing before you for
decision an occurrence between the Creek and Cherokee
Nation of Indians which transpired in the spring of 1809.
Candor impels me to communicate an attempt of the injured
Party for redress through me as their agent to Col. Benjamin
Hawkins, principal agent of Indian affairs South of Ohio.
Sir, the vouchers which will be submitted to you will
explicitly evince that a large quantity of spirits and
other property was owned by James McIntosh,
a son of quotiquisque and others, was intended to be
conveyed by McIntosh a Cherokee to the Mobile
market by way of the Coose river one of nature’s
highways, And that the enterprise was sanctioned
by Col. Meigs, the agent of the Cherokees, and not
intended to dispose of any of the cargo to the Natives.
That McIntosh had proceeded as far down the Coose
as the Pathkillers, the principal Chief of the Cherokee
Nation when he was intercepted by a number of
Creek Indians and robbed of his cargo entirely.
It clearly appears that McIntosh was at the time on
Cherokee ground by settlement, and that there will be
no other criterion for the ascertainment of boundary but
settlement and that McIntosh and his property was justly
protected by the principal Cherokee and the taking was a
wanton violation of the rights of the Cherokee Nation, and
that the offer of the banditti to share the spoil with the
Cherokee Nation was only equaled by the outrage.
Sir, in April last Messieurs Houston & Blackburn,
who originally owned the property and whom had
Interested young McIntosh in the same and made
him supercargo, prevailed on me as I was passing
through the southern Country to visit Col. Hawkins
and deposit with that Gentleman their Vouchers
and require him to decide and report thereon with
all the expedition convenience would permit.
On my arrival I found Col. Hawkins just recovering from a
strong indisposition & unable to do business except verbally.
But Col. Hawkins promised to decide on the subject in a few
days and to report forthwith to the proper department and
for the information of the Parties concerned to forward to
me by mail a copy of his proceedings (immediately).
In conversation Col. Hawkins alleged that the sale of a small
portion of the property to the hands who aided McIntosh
where he first embarked on the Coose and in transporting
the same from the Highwasse river to the Coose was
exceptionable and made the property legal prize by the
intercourse Laws which was insisted did not apply against
a Cherokee, and if so did not make the property legal prize
to the Creeks as the transaction was without their boundary
and could not have confiscated it to any other than the
Nation within whose boundary it was done.
Moreover the act of Congress prescribed a penalty for
certain trespasses on Indian territory, and that in that case
if anything, nothing more than the penalty could be incurred.
But inasmuch as McIntosh was a Cherokee and part owner
of the property, and the act authorized by the Cherokee
agent, as he admits a passport and observes the enterprise
was both laudable and just, there was no color for the idea
moreover to compare McIntosh to a common carrier by the
laws of England, the owners would have an undoubted right
to the property or the value from the Robbers and McIntosh
and the Cherokee Nation upon that principal fairly entitled
to pay and that the most remote Tribe of Indians within
the U. S. would have been as well justified in the seizure
as the Creeks, as when they transcended their bounds,
they had no line at which they should cease.
Col. Hawkins said he had given the Creeks in the quarter;
the mischief was done; instruction to stop the boats and
prevent their descending the Coose river and to allow the
owners to return with the whole of their property and by all
means to allow them Sufficient time for that purpose, but
that they had evidently transcended his orders, and that the
Chief who commanded that party of the Creeks was a rash
man and had been cashiered since, and the Creeks had
certainly exceeded all bounds on that occasion;
Col. Hawkins added, a Passport purporting to be
signed by him, had been Forged, and McIntosh
admits some irregularity by him relative to the same.
But Col. Hawkins also observed it had not been done
by anyone of the Party, that it was so well executed
that none of the party were capable of the act
(But it is certain the passport which was spurious
had not been used, as they had not reached the
Creek Territory and had no occasion for it before)
and that it must have been imposed on McIntosh
probably by some artful or designing person.
Col Hawkins expressed a degree of surprise that he had
not at an earlier period heard of the transaction and been
furnished with the information afforded by the vouchers I
deposited with him, and a copy of which will be submitted
to you, But seemed well pleased to have them, as they had
removed the greater part of the suspicion, he anterior to
that entertained against the persons concerned in the affair,
and that he might be enabled to do justice to the parties,
and although it seemed to me impossible that the
penetration of Col. Hawkins should conceive justice, could
be attained other than by the Creek Nation remunerating the
Cherokees for the loss of their property; Yet no account of
the decision of Col. Hawkins can be obtained nor in what
light that gentleman has viewed the transaction can I say.
I have addressed Col. Hawkins two letters on the subject
but receive no answers; from what motives I know not.
Sir, As the parties will attempt to bring the subject
before you or the proper Department in quest of the
justice they think they are entitled to, I trust this
statement will find an apology, And that our members
of Congress will manifest to you the great redundancy
of produce of the Western Country which surcharges
the home market and will not bare land carriage to
the eastern markets and the difficulty of passing the
muscle shoals on Tennessee and glutted situation of the
Orleans market and the necessity of a passage by the
mobile and its branches more especially at this crisis.8
On 14 January 1811 President Madison wrote this letter
to the Chiefs of the Creek Nation:
Your father the President of the United States
takes you by the hand.
He has received from Col. Hawkins
your Talk of the last Autumn.
Either you have not been sufficiently informed,
or you have not rightly understood his design
in sending out the two parties from Fort Stoddert.
Good pathways and roads are equally useful
to his White and to his Red Children.
Rivers & Water courses are made by the Great Spirit
to be used by the Nations to and through which they run.
If his Red Children want to use the roads and rivers
on which his White Children live they are open to them.
His white Children, particularly those in Tennessee,
have to go a great way to carry their produce
and to bring home necessaries from the sea.
Now, if a shorter way by land and good passage ways
by the waters from Highwassee to the Mobile can
be found for them, they ought to have them.
The way lies through your nation.
When his White Children want to go
by the roads & rivers through the seventeen fires,
the roads and rivers are all common.
They pass without enquiry being made
to what tribe they belong.
His red Children have never been
refused the same privilege.
Col. Hawkins will attend at your Council.
He will explain to you that the two parties
were sent to measure the distances and to
go down the Alabama in order to find out the
shortest way by land and the best way by Water.
He would have done it before, but Captain Gaines’s letter to
him was delayed by the freshes or by some other accident.
He will inform you that the object of the President was not
to take away your lands or any of your rights but to prepare
the way for opening a road and using the rivers which will
be good for his red as well as his white Children.
He will satisfy you of this, and then he will acquaint you
that next Summer Captain Gaines & Lieutenant Luckett
will begin the survey anew.
As the purpose is both just and reasonable, so your father
the President will expect that his Officers and Men will be
treated with the hospitality and kindness which he has
always manifested towards your Nations, and which he
hopes will forever distinguish the friendship subsisting
between the United States and the Creek Nation.9
In May 1811 at Buffalo Creek, New York the Seneca Chief Red Jacket
told his
American brothers that their application to buy their lands was made in a crooked manner.
They remembered how the New Yorkers purchased their lands in the past
piece by piece with little money paid to a few men in their nation.
They felt if they sold any more, they would have no place to live.
When they sold their eastern lands, they were determined to keep the rest;
but now the whites wanted them to sell more land and move west.
Red Jacket told them to tell their employers that they have
no right to buy and sell the false rights to their lands.
On 15 May 1811 Hobohoilthle sent this letter to President Madison:
I have received your talk, laid it before the Chiefs
of my Nation and now give your their Answer.
It is harmless.
Your speech was delivered to Col. Hawkins and he to us;
he is like an old Chief, and when things are wrong,
he is to look into them for both sides.
You ask for a path, and I say no; when the President sees
my talk, he will Know I have Answered in full; I have
examined it myself; my Chiefs and Warriors have examined
it; they tell you I must not allow it and must say no.
When the President sees my talk,
he must know my people do not want to have such a road.
I am glad the President has Asked us without doing it first.
He must know, and I know we have some young people
and they will mix to the disadvantage of each other.
I have a little path here that the white people makes use of,
and my people are so mischievous that I have continued
complaints of my people interrupting of them.
You ask in addition a water path
and road to the right of this.
If we give it, it will be much worse that way than this.
I have a large family of people in the Country and cannot
govern all so as to preserve a good understanding.
What land we have left is but
large enough to live and walk on.
The Officers must not be going
through our lands to hunt paths.
I spoke last summer to your Col. Hawkins and to the
President about paths through our Country; I told you no,
and the President no; it would bring trouble on our Country.
I am an old man and Speaker for our Warriors when we find
a thing will not be good for us, we must say it will not do.
I, although an Indian, have a little sense yet.
The great god made us and the lands for us to walk on.
I hope the great father our president will feel
for us and pay attention; we hope he will
pity us and not take from us our rights.
When friends ask for property, we must tell him straight
words; if he Asks for the waters of Coosau or by land,
my Chiefs and warriors now present never will say yes.
I hope it will never be mentioned to us again.
I am speaking to our great father
the President of the United States.
When he sees my talks in his great house of talks
I hope he will take notice and give me an Answer.
When his Answer returns to me if I am alive,
I shall See his Answer and be contented.
I want to inform you of one of
our own brothers the Choctaws.
They sold you some land, our property, the land to
the dividing ridge of Alabama & Tombigbee;
they say they have not received any money for it,
and we have not yet settled it with them, as you have
officers in that quarter, they ought to see to it.
The Creeks are the oldest and the Choctaws the youngest
brothers; it is the Creeks’ property, Coosau Micco
Hummastaubeco, Pooor Mattauhau Aupuarumnubba,
they stole it from us.
They stole our rights and Sold them to the United States.
The lands sold were to the ridge, but the whites come
over and take other waters and are settled on them.
On a Creek above Cedar Creek called silivan both of which
run into Alabama there are settlements of White people.
A path very large from the edge of the swamp
on Tombigbee crosses these two Creeks.
The path by James Cornells crosses alabama about
two miles below Cedar Creek; above is Billosee.
These lands were the hunting grounds of the Alabama.
Our own Color are playing tricks with us about our lands,
and the white people encouraging them is
the reason why we say no about the path.
The white people are as difficult to be restrained as the red
and are constant habitual intruders on Indian lands.
I shall look for an Answer to this Speech towards the fall.
The two nations will meet, put their heads
together and settle about their property.
And when we have settled About our Claims,
the President will know all about it.
After this notice if there should be any more
encroachments on our lands, I hope you will
call on the officers and Soldiers to prevent it.
This I suppose is the business of your
Col. Hawkins by order of the President.
Cattle, hogs and horses are put over & stray on our lands;
some will be marking trees, roads, paths my young people
being about and seeing them will be killing and doing
mischief and our young people will say our old people
are crazy and do not look into our rights.
The masters of the Stocks will be vexed with us.
I hope you will see justice done to both sides
that we may live in peace and be friendly.
I have one article to mention to the President.
The trading Store, you told us there would be
a house & store on your land, that goods should
be cheaper than any other merchants, that they
should be exchanged for small furs and deer skins;
we are distressed about the trade at our United States
factory, want to know what is the reason at the factory
there is no trade; my people trades at the Country stores.
Lead and powder is very high; I understood by the
treaties there was a house to keep goods for the trade;
we are told that the goods were to come by way of
savannah and were to be reasonable, but our
people cannot get any, and we are really distressed;
our poverty arises from a want of a Market for
what we have we are a poor people in distress.
I and my father the President know the truth
and hope he will pay attention to it.10
On 24 June 1811 Indiana Governor William Henry Harrison had sent a letter
to Chief Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet Tenskwatawa in which he said,
that their seizing of salt that was meant for other tribes, was enough reason to go to war.
Tecumseh visited Vincennes on July 27 with about two or three hundred warriors
and told Harrison that he was going south to invite the Creeks into his confederation.
Four days later citizens met at Vincennes and resolved
that the Tippecanoe settlement should be broken up.
While Madison was at his Montpelier home, Secretary of War Eustis sent
500 more regulars from Pittsburgh to Harrison with the message that
if the Prophet threatened war, he should be attacked.
President Madison received this letter at the end of July
from the inhabitants of Knox County in the Indian Territory:
In obedience to the wishes of a numerous meeting
of our fellow Citizens assembled for the purpose of taking
into Consideration the state of this Country in relation to
Indian affairs, We have the Honor to address you.
In approaching the chief Magistrate of our Country,
who is so deservedly Celebrated for the talents,
which distinguish the Statesman and the virtues
which adorn the man—We should not do Justice
to our own feelings and the feelings of those
whom we represent if we neglected to express
our confidence in his administration and our
sincere respect and esteem for his person.
In fulfilling the duty which has been assigned to us Sir,
it is scarcely necessary that we should do more than to
refer you to the Resolutions which are enclosed;
they contain a true Statement of facts and a true picture
of the feelings of the Citizens of this part of the Country.
It is impossible to doubt but that the combination which
has been formed on the Wabash is a British Scheme,
and it is equally certain that this banditti is now
prepared to be let loose upon us and that nothing
but vigorous measures will prevent it.
In this part of the Country we have not as yet lost any of
our fellow Citizens by the Indians but depredations upon
the property of those who live upon the frontiers & insults
to the families that are left unprotected almost daily occur.
The impunity with which these savages have
been so long Suffered to commit crimes has raised
their insolence to a pitch that is no longer Supportable.
We are not Sir, advocates for unnecessary
rigor towards our Indian neighbors.
The Character which some of us Sustain as ministers
of the Gospel of Christ will Shield us from the supposition
that we wish to plunge our Country in an unnecessary war.
Our object is peace, but we are fully persuaded
that that blessing can now only be secured
to us by the exertion of some vigor.
Let the savages be made sensible that every aggression
from them will meet with a correspondent punishment
and Indian depredations will seldom be heard of.
Since the adoption of the Resolutions under which we act,
we have listened to the speech delivered by the Brother
of the prophet to Gov. Harrison and if a doubt remained
upon our minds as to the designs of the Confederacy
he has formed, It has been Completely removed.
Shall we then quietly wait the stroke when we see the
weapon is Suspended over us; we hope and trust that
this will not be expected and that the general Government
will take effectual measures to avert the danger.
What these measures Shall be, we will not presume to
Dictate; but We beg leave most respectfully to observe that
we conceive that the Country will forever be exposed to
those alarms which are at once so injurious to its Settlement
& the Interest of the U. S. as long as the Banditti under the
Prophet are Suffered to remain where they now are.
The people have become highly irritated and alarmed,
and if the Government will not direct their energies,
we fear that the Innocent will feel the effects of their
resentment and a general war be the Consequence.
The Western Country, Sir, is indebted to your Predecessor
for an undeviating attention to its prosperity and the
gratitude and attachment which they feel towards that
distinguished patriot can never be effaced—with equal
confidence they look up to his Successor who pursuing
the same course of politics with regard to the European
powers is to them Sufficient proof of coincidence of
Sentiment in that which relates to the Continent.
That you may be the means under providence of
establishing the affairs of your Country and settling its
interest in every quarter of the Globe upon a Secure and
lasting foundation and that you may long live to enjoy the
Blessing of your countrymen for the happiness you procure
for them is the sincere prayer of your Fellow Citizens.
They included the following enclosure that was
signed by their president Ephraim Jordan:
At a meeting of a very Considerable number of the Citizens
of the County of Knox at the Seminary in Vincennes,
on Wednesday the 31st of July 1811.
When Col. Ephraim Jordan was appointed President and
Captain James Smith Secretary:
Thereupon General W. Johnston addressed the meeting
in which he informed them of the present Situation of the
Inhabitants of not only the Town but Country in regard
to the Shawnees Prophet, his Brother Tecumseh and
their confederacy of Indians, and advised that for the
safety of the Citizens some resolution should be fallen
into, & therefore Adjutant Daniel Sullivan introduced
the following Resolutions, which were read and Explained
in an audible voice both in the English and French
Languages were unanimously adopted, as follows Viz.
1st. Resolved that it is the opinion of this meeting
that the safety of the persons and property of this
frontier can never be effectually secured but by
the breaking up of the Combination formed by
the Shawanoe prophet on the Wabash.
2nd. Resolved that we consider it highly impolitic
and Injurious as well to the inhabitants of the
United States as that of the Territory to permit a
formidable Banditti, which is constantly increasing
in number to occupy a situation which enables them
to Strike our Settlements without the least warning.
3rd. Resolved that we are fully convinced that the
formation of the Combination headed by the
Shawanoe Prophet is a British Scheme and that
the agents of that power are constantly exciting
the Indians to hostility against the United States.
4th. Resolved that the Assemblage of Indians at this place,
at this time, and under the circumstances which attended it;
was calculated to excite the most serious alarm and but for
the energetic measures, which have been adopted by our
executive, it is highly probable that the threatened
destruction of this place, and the massacre of the
inhabitants would have been the Consequence.
5th. Resolved that a temporizing policy is not calculated
to answer any beneficial purpose with Savages who are
only to be controlled by prompt and decisive measures.
6th. Resolved that a committee to consist of the Rev.
Samuel T. Scott, the Rev. Alexander Devin, Col. Luke
Decker, Col. E. Jordan, Daniel McClure, Walter Wilson
Esquire & Col. Francois Vigo or a majority of them be,
and they are hereby appointed to prepare and forward to
the Executive of the United States a respectful address on
the behalf of this meeting, assuring him of our attachment
to his person and administration and requesting him to
take Such measures, as his wisdom may dictate to free
the Territories in this quarter from future apprehensions
from the prophet and his party—and that he be also
requested to insist upon the surrender by the Indian Tribes,
of those who have murdered our fellow Citizens and
provide compensation for such as have lost their property.
7th. Resolved that we approve highly of the
prompt and decisive measures adopted and
pursued by the governor of the Territory.
We are convinced that the Situation, in which we
stand with the prophet and his adherents, rendered
them Necessary for our Safety and from them
we confidently expect such a termination of the
presumptuous pretentions of this daring chief as must
be pleasing to every patriot and honorable to himself.
Resolved that these resolutions be printed in the Western
Sun and also the address which may be prepared and
forwarded to the President in pursuance of them.11
Joseph H. Daveiss of Kentucky wrote to Harrison on August 24
offering to volunteer, and he told people that he planned to take the field
on September 20 with the backing of the government.
The last orders from the War Department on August 29
had not altered President Madison’s instructions to maintain the peace.
Tecumseh spent six months in the south.
Col. John P. Boyd arrived in the Indiana Territory
in early September 1811 with 300 infantry.
Harrison and his army spent three weeks building a fort later named after him.
On October 10 a sentinel was wounded,
and demands sent to the Prophet by Indian emissaries were rejected.
War Secretary Eustis sent him another message suggesting
an attack without having consulted the President.
The fort was completed on October 28,
and Harrison moved his army up the Wabash River.
He sent a letter with friendly Indians to the Prophet demanding that
the Winnebagos, Potawatomies, and Kickapoos at Tippecanoe
return to their tribes and that they surrender stolen horses and murderers.
On November 5 Harrison’s army arrived within eleven miles of Tippecanoe.
They advanced again and camped within 150 yards of the Prophet’s town.
On November 7 the Army camp was attacked before dawn by about 450 warriors.
About one-fifth of the American soldiers were killed or wounded;
but they held their ground and then charged and burned the Indians’ town.
In the two hours of battle the Americans had 61 killed and 127 wounded,
and the bodies of 38 Indians were found on the field.
The Indians deserted the town, and Harrison claimed the tribes
had suffered their worst defeat by white people.
The Army’s cattle had been driven away, and they had little food.
After throwing away personal baggage, they used all the wagons to transport
the wounded as they marched back to Vincennes,
reaching it November 18 without losing another man.
Indians retaliated against settlers in the region.
In Detroit on November 13 the chiefs and warriors of the Ottawa, Chippewa,
Potawatomi, and Wyandot Nations sent this letter to President Madison:
We the undersigned Chiefs and warriors of the
Mawwa, Chippewa, Potawatomi and Wyandot
Nations, living within the United States of America
upon the waters of the Lakes and vicinity on behalf
of Ourselves and Nations, request Our Father the
President of the United States listen to Our desires.
It is well known to Our Father the President that
we your red Brethren cannot make known our mind
and complaint by writing, not having acquired that art
nor have we the Information necessary to understand
what white people put upon paper, we are therefore
easily duped and imposed upon by the white people.
We are confident that Our Father the President is
desirous that we should be fairly and Honestly dealt with,
in whatever we have to do with Government and that
our Annuities due us from the United States by Treaties
should be paid us punctually, And that no part either
of the goods and merchandize or money should be
detained or kept back from us, but that the whole
to the last farthing should be paid and delivered us
for the benefit of Ourselves and wives and Children.
In order that your good Intentions may be carried into
effect you have appointed Agents to reside at Detroit.
If they act Correctly, they will do no more than
their duty and what you expect from them.
But father we have had much Intercourse with
white men and now and then find an Honest man,
but generally speaking white people appear fond of
feathering their own nest and after plucking the red
birds for the purpose of accomplishing their purposes.
Father what Security have we for your Agents whom
you permit to handle our Annuities and monies, they
require us to Sign papers what they call vouchers
and receipts without even Showing us the Invoice
of our goods, and declare that they Honestly deliver
us Our goods and monies we of course are obliged
to make our marks upon the papers they present us.
Otherwise we are told that we may march
about our business without our payment.
Father we have been told last Summer and again
now this fall, that our monies have not been sent on,
and that we must take goods in lieu for the monies
offered to us at an exorbitant price or wait until our
monies are Sent on by you, your Children have been
under the necessity to comply with your Agents’ measures
to the Injury and damage of your Children their wives
and offspring our Wyandot Brethren excepted they
have been fairly dealt with this Season and last Season.
But Father we are not sensible or sure what we Sign
or whether we are fairly dealt with.
We do not feel always satisfied with
the correctness of your Agents.
Father it may be asked how this may be
removed and your red children made Satisfied
that they are not wronged and cheated.
We will tell you father how this object which
we have much at Heart can be brought about.
Father permit us your Children to name a friend of Ours,
a white man who can read and write, who shall be present
as Our Special agent to act for us who Shall be entitled to
Inspect the Original Invoices of Our goods, compare said
goods with Such Invoices, Count our money, examine the
Vouchers and receipts before they are Offered us to sign.
Father then and not till then Shall we
be Satisfied that we are treated fairly by.
We wish not to say more of the Agents of the
United States than that they are not elected
by us; we have not any confidence in them.
They may nevertheless be Honest.
Yet we are not, Nor can we be confident that they are so.
If they act fairly, Our Agents will not
Injure them by attending to our Interest.
If they are dishonest, he will be a check Agent then,
on practicing it upon us in future.
We Shall be Satisfied and all uneasiness
between us and the whites will evaporate.
Father it is Sincerely our wish to live in peace
and Harmony with Our white brethren.
This agent will cost us money as we are desirous of
recompensing him for his trouble, but we are Confident
that Our father will compensate him, taking in
Consideration your red Brethrens’ pitiful Situation.
Father after much Consultation on this Subject,
We have finally agreed and do agree to nominate
Jacob Visger of Detroit our agent under full conviction
that Our father the President will approve of Our
Nomination and give him authority to Act for us as
above requested that no receipt or Voucher purporting
to be signed by us for Annuities or monies Unless
our Agent do sign it as a witness be allowed.12
The Shawnee Chief Black Hoof from Fort Wayne on 18 November 1811
wrote for the Shawnee chiefs and people to President Madison:
Fathers,
We have just finished the foregoing talk to our Brothers;
it is our wish that you may see it also
that you may Know our minds.
Fathers.
We have one request to make: our Annuity comes by the
way of Detroit to Fort Wayne for us, and we find it a great
distance for our women to go for them; it is our wish if it
could be possible in future to have them sent down the Ohio,
and delivered to us by our friend John Johnston at
Picquatown; it is but a short distance from our Town,
and we could get them there very conveniently.13
On December 19 Farmers-Brother of the Seneca sent a letter
to the US Secretary of War William Eustis complaining about the 1797 Treaty
at Big Tree with the $100,000 they got from Robert Morris
when they sold most of their land.
They were told that what they planted in a field would bear seed forever.
Yet it became barren.
On 5 February 1812 the chiefs and sachems of the Wyandot nation in Detroit
sent this letter to President Madison:
The petition of your children, the principal chiefs, and
sachems of the nation of Wyandots, in behalf of
themselves, their warriors, their women and children.
Fathers: Listen to your children the Wyandots, who
are now desirous of letting you know their sentiments.
Fathers, listen! We, your children, now address you,
on a subject of the utmost concern to ourselves,
our women, and children; we hope the Master of Life
will inspire you with sentiments of benevolence, to hear our
complaint with patience, and that the appellation of father,
which our deceased friend General Wayne at the treaty of
Greenville assumed and desired us for the future to call
our Great Fathers the Long Knives, will be realized in this
instance, and that your unfortunate children will in this
matter experience the indulgent treatment which they have
a right to expect from a great, a rich, and a powerful nation.
Fathers, listen! For we want you to know our minds.
Our friends have made our hearts glad, when they
have read to us annually the messages of the respective
Presidents of the United States to Congress as respects
ourselves, that everything was done to ameliorate
our circumstances; that ploughs, and several
implements of agriculture had been delivered
to us with many sweet talks from the agents
of the Indian department in this territory to
cultivate the earth as the game was getting scarce.
Fathers, listen! This has given children great pleasure
to hear; we trust, when our father the President of the
Seventeen Great Fires directed these messages and talks
to be sent, that he had not a bit of sugar in his mouth
at the time: for we found his voice very sweet.
We hope that the words came from the bottom of his heart.
Fathers, listen! We the Wyandots have taken hold of this
good work and peaceably have cultivated the land we have
lived on, time immemorial, and out of which we sprung: for
we love this land, as it covers the bones of our ancestors.
Fathers, listen! The bad birds are going about seeking
to do mischief: we are now told, that we and our children
are not to be allowed to live on this land more than fifty
years, and if we leave it, as we always have done in the
winter season to hunt on the Scioto and other parts of
the State of Ohio, that the land will be taken from us.
Fathers, listen! This is not according to the promises which
were made to us at the treaty of Greenville and afterwards,
more particularly by our late friend General Wayne after his
arrival at Detroit; his death on the road, going to the seat of
Government, is much lamented by us; for if it had pleased
the Great Spirit to have spared his life a little longer, his
words would not have been buried with him at Presqu’ Isle.
Fathers, listen! The late General Wayne was a warrior,
and a brave man, and such men as he was, never tell lies.
Fathers: Listen to your children the Wyandots.
When your agent, our friend Governor Hull, told us at the
treaty of Detroit, that you wanted the land from the Big
Rock towards Saguina going to fort Defiance, we reluctantly
signed the treaty, because our young warriors and women
had made us solemnly promise never to dispose of that
land; but our friend assured us that he would write to our
Great Father, the President of the Seventeen Fires, to give
us back the land we and our ancestors have so long lived
on situated between Rivière aux Ecorces and Rocky river
of lake Erie, and in that expectation we signed the paper.
Fathers, listen! The treaty of Detroit had not long
been executed when our friend Governor Hull
again called us together at Brownstown.
He said that Congress wanted more of our lands and
particularly a road upwards of two miles wide on the
best part of our hunting ground from the Miami river
to Sandusky, and from thence due south to the
boundary line of the treaty of Greenville.
Fathers, listen! We then told our friend Governor Hull,
that all our nations had agreed together in a most
solemn manner to sell no more lands, and the
council was broke off on that account;
but we at length consented to make our
Great Father a present of this land in hopes
that he would reciprocate with us and let
us keep the land out of which we sprung.
Surely, since you call yourselves our Fathers,
let your conduct answer to your professions.
We have given you one hundred times as much
at the treaty of Brownstown for nothing; we have always
behaved like dutiful children; surely you will not after this
treat us like a stepfather, but you will at least be the
hundredth part as generous as we have been to you.
Fathers, listen! After all these explanations, made with
frankness, we expect you will not turn us off of our lands
at Brownstown and Menquagon aforesaid, but that you
will grant us, your children the Wyandots, the land
contained in the following boundary, viz: to commence
at a small run about half a mile from Maera, or
Walk-in-the-Water’s dwelling house, on the northeast
side to run from thence along the Detroit river, until it
crosses the river Huron on the north side of lake Erie
for one mile (that is the river Huron beyond Brownstown to
the Southwest) thence to extend back to the boundary line
established by the treaty of Detroit, (beyond which to
Rocky river near river Raisin we will forever hereafter,
abandon any further claim to) excepting, nevertheless,
those lands, which the commissioners of the land
office at Detroit have confirmed to actual settlers.
Fathers, listen! Should you grant our wishes as above,
we will undertake to keep open and maintain in good order
all the roads and bridges which may be required on this
land by existing laws going from Detroit to river Raisin.
Fathers, listen! Should you not like the above proposal,
which we delivered to our friend Governor Hull on the 30th
September, 1809, and of which speech we now send you
a copy to be referred to; we hope you will at least grant
us the land, which none shall have it in their power to
sell or dispose of unless with the consent of the
chiefs and sachems of the Wyandot nation.
Father, listen! Several black robes (ministers)
have come to our villages to preach the religion of
white people; they told us the religion of the whites
consisted in a few words; that was, to do unto
others as we wish that others should do unto us.
Fathers, listen! Since we have made you so
large a present of land at the treaty of Brownstown,
we wish you to put the above Christian rule in practice;
for we are a poor, helpless race of mortals:
we are objects of compassion.
Fathers, listen! If you really want to ameliorate our
condition, let us have the land given to us;
we have built valuable houses and improvements on the
same; we have learned the use of the plough; but now
we are told we are to be turned off the land in fifty years.
Fathers, listen! This has given us great uneasiness;
this pretense of bettering our situation, it appears is
only for a temporary purpose: for should we live
on the land for fifty years as farmers and then be
turned off, we will be very miserable indeed.
By that time we shall have forgot how to hunt,
in which practice we are now very expert, and then you’ll
turn us out of doors, a poor, pitiful, helpless set of wretches.
Fathers, listen! We are desirous that the paper which our
friends Governor Hull and Judge Woodward brought forward
while they were at Washington together about six years
ago should be passed into a law, and that we will each at
least get sixty acres of this land per head, and that six
hundred and forty acres of said land will be granted to
each of our chiefs and sachems to enable them to sustain
the dignity of their offices and to keep up their importance,
as regards the necessary regulations of police.
Fathers, listen! The atmosphere is all cloudy, and
everything looks as if the Great Spirit was displeased.
We are told that there is to be war
between our Great Fathers and the British.
We are also told that there has been a battle between
Governor Harrison’s army and those Indians who are
under the influence of the Shawanee prophet.
Fathers, listen! We know that some of your wise men,
who do not know our customs, will look into your book of
treaties, and they will find that at Muskingum, fort Harmar,
Greenville, and at the treaty of Detroit, this piece of land
has been conveyed to the United States by all the nations.
Fathers, listen! We can assure you in sincerity
and truth how the thing is conducted at all treaties.
When the United States wants a particular piece of land,
all our nations are assembled; a large sum of money is
offered; the land is occupied probably by one nation only;
nine-tenths have no actual interest in the land wanted;
if the particular nation interested refuses to sell,
they are generally threatened by the others, who
want the money or goods offered to buy whiskey.
Fathers, this is the way in which this small spot,
which we so much value, has been so often torn from us.
We, the Wyandots, are now a small nation.
Unless you have charity for us, we will soon be forgot,
like the Nottaways of Virginia.
Fathers, listen! We are very desirous of living in friendship
and peace with our brethren of the Seventeen Great Fires;
but our young men are not satisfied to be
turned off this land in their old days.
Fathers: Listen to your children—open your ears!
What we have said to you comes from the bottom of our
hearts: it is but a trifle we ask of you as a great nation.
Be charitably inclined to us and grant us our petition.14
The War Committee of the Oneida Nation on 2 June 1812
wrote this letter to President Madison:
We your humble Children of the Oneida Nation
of Indians in Council Convened having heard great
talk of war and knowing that the Indians in Canada
have their Commissions to fight against us, and
there is talk of some of our Indians going to Canada.
(We therefore as Children of our forefathers
who fought and Bled in the Cause of freedom
and had Commissions under our former Congress)
do present our names to your Excellency for Commissions
if your Honor should Deem us worthy of your Notice &c.
We feel ourselves anxious to have some of our men
Commissioned so that we can turn out in Case of emergency
with our brethren the white People, and the unanimous
Voice of our Council is that we have Zacheus P. Gillet
as our leader to have the Commission of Colonel,
and the others’ names to have Commissions as follows:
Resolved that Zacheus P. Gillet be Colonel &
Cornilius Dorlader—Captain, Lewis Denny Jnr. Major,
Jacob Smith 1st. Lieutenant, Adam Skanindo Captain,
Peter Skanindo 2nd Lieutenant, Isaac Webster 1st
Lieutenant, Daniel Onoghongeghta, Moses Skanindo
& Lieutenant, and Ensign Rodowick Ranays,
and we as true Patriots will Prove ourselves
worthy of the honor and trust imposed on us.
Respected father we hope we may find grace and favor
in your sight and that you will be so good as to give us
an answer that Respects our Commissions and send it
to our Colonel at the Oneida in the Oneida County as
soon as may be Convenient so that we may Organize
ourselves as we had in duty ought to do and in duty
bound your Petitioners as in duty bound will Ever pray.
N. B. we find Our People will not rest at ease
if there is war and if we have our Commissions.
Soon our Brethren will Stay with us and be faithful
and true to your honor and the United States, for there
has been some depredation Committed already &c.
this from your faithful & true Children & humble servants,
the Chiefs sachems, warriors Chiefs and warriors.15
About 22 August 1812 President Madison’s letter to the delegations
of several Indian Nations in Washington was addressed to
“My red children,” and he wrote,
You have come through a long path to see your father
but it is a straight and a clean path kept open for
my red children who hate crooked walks.
I thank the great spirit that he has brought you
in health through the long journey; and that he
gives us a clear sky & bright sun for our meeting.
I had heard from General Clarke of the good
dispositions of several of the nations on & West
of the Mississippi; and that they shut their ears to
the bad birds hovering about them for some time past.
This made me wish to see the
principal chiefs of those bands.
I love to shake hands with hearts in them.
The red people who live on the same great Island with the
white people of the 18 fires are made by the great spirit out
of the same earth from parts of it differing in color only.
My regard for all my red children has made me desirous
that the bloody tomahawk should be buried between
the Osages, the Cherokees, and the Choctaws.
I wish also that the hands of the Shawenoe & the Osage
should be joined in my presence as a pledge to cherish
& observe the peace made at St. Louis.
This was a good peace for both.
It is a chain that ought to hold them fast in friendship.
Neither blood nor rust should ever be upon it.
I am concerned at the war which has long been kept up
by the Sacs & Foxes against the Osages; and that latterly
a bloody war is carried on between the Osages & Iowas.
I now tell my red children now present
that this is bad for both parties.
They must put under my feet their evil intentions
against one another; and henceforward live in
peace & good will; each hunting on their own lands,
and working their own soils.
Your father loves justice.
He extends it to all the red tribes.
When they keep the chain of friendship with the 18 fires
bright, he will protect them and do them good.
If any make the chain bloody,
it must be broken on their heads.
The Winibagoes and some other tribes between
the Mississippi & Lake Michigan & the Wabash
have shut their ears to my councils.
They have killed men, women and children
and have plundered the white people.
They refuse to give up the murderers
and to return the stolen property.
Time enough has been allowed them.
When they feel the punishment, they must blame their
own folly and the bad councils to which they have listened.
I will not suffer my white children to be
killed without punishing the murderers.
A father ought to give good advice to his children,
and it is the duty of his children to harken to it.
The people composing the 18 fires are a great people.
You have travelled through their Country;
you see they cover the land, as the stars fill the sky,
and are thick as the Trees in your forests.
Notwithstanding their great power, the British King has
attacked them on the great water beyond which he lives.
He robbed their ships and carried
away the people belonging to them.
Some of them he murdered.
He has an old grudge against the 18 fires, because when
he tried to make them dig and plant for his people beyond
the great water, not for themselves, they sent out warriors
who beat his warriors; they drove off the bad chiefs he had
sent among them and set up good chiefs of their own.
The 18 fires did this when they
had not the strength they now have.
Their blows will now be much heavier
and will soon make him do them justice.
It happened when the 13 fires, now increased to 18,
forced the British King to treat them as an
independent nation, one little fire did not join them.
This he has held ever since.
It is there that his agents and traders plot quarrels
and wars between the 18 fires and their red brethren,
and between one red tribe and another.
Malden is the place where all the bad birds have their nests.
There they are fed with false tales against the 18 fires
and sent out with bloody belts in their bills to drop among
the red people, who would otherwise remain at peace.
It is for the good of all the red people, as well as the people
of the 18 fires, that a stop should be put to this mischief.
Their warriors can do it.
They are gone & going to Canada for this purpose.
They want no help from their red brethren.
They are strong enough without it.
The British, who are weak, are doing all they can by their
bad birds to decoy the red people into the war on their side.
I warn all the red people to avoid the ruin
this must bring upon them.
And I say to you my children, your father
does not ask you to join his warriors.
Sit still on your seats and be witnesses that they are
able to beat their enemies and protect their red friends.
This is the fatherly advice I give you.
I have a further advice for my red children.
You see how the Country of the 18 fires is filled with people.
They increase like the corn they put into the ground.
They all have good houses to shelter them from all
weathers; good clothes suitable to all seasons; and as for
food of all sorts, you see they have enough & to spare.
No man, woman or child of the 18 fires
ever perished of hunger.
Compare all this with the condition of the red people.
They are scattered here & there in handfuls.
Their lodges are cold, leaky, and smoky.
They have hard fare and often not enough of it.
Why this mighty difference?
The reason, my red children, is plain.
The white people breed cattle and sheep.
They plow the earth and make it
give them everything they want.
They spin and weave.
Their heads and their hands make all the
elements & productions of nature useful to them.
Above all, the people of the 18 fires
live in constant peace & friendship.
No Tomahawk has ever been raised by one against another.
Not a drop of blood has ever touched the Chain
that holds them together as one family.
All their belts are white belts.
It is in your power to be like them.
The ground that feeds one Lodge by hunting
would feed a great band by the plow & the hoe.
The great spirit has given you, like your white brethren,
good heads to contrive, strong arms and active bodies.
Use them like your white brethren; not all at once
which is difficult but by little & little, which is easy.
Especially live in peace with one another,
like your white brethren of the 18 fires: and like them,
your little sparks will grow into great fires.
You will be well fed, well clothed; dwell in good houses, and
enjoy the happiness for which you like them were created.
The great spirit is the friend of men of all colors.
He made them to be friends of one another.
The more they are so, the more he will be their friend.
These are the words of your father to his red children.
The great spirit, who is the father of us all, approves them.
Let them pass through the ear into the heart.
Carry them home to your people.
And as long as you remember this visit to your father of the
18 fires, remember these as his last & best words to you.16
On 13 August 1813 the Unitarian minister Harry Toulmin from Fort Stoddert
wrote another letter to President Madison about
West Florida and the Creeks and Choctaws:
I have for some time past felt the importance if not the
necessity of addressing you relative to the alarming
situation of this part of the Mississippi Territory—
but having communicated the leading facts to some friends
in Congress, & also availed myself of the relation I stand
in to the Post Master General as his deputy at this place;
I have flattered myself that every end would be answered
without intruding upon you by a personal address.
As it is probable however that the congress may have
adjourned previously to the arrival of my last
communication; I deem it safest to take the liberty
of forwarding the enclosed directly to yourself.
The last statements which I made were addressed to
Mr. Rhea and Mr. Sevier of Tennessee: and as it is probable
that they left the city before the arrival of my letter, I would
beg leave to ask the favor of you to receive from the post
office and to open the same (which the address and the
postmark will sufficiently designate) as it probably contained
some particulars, though I think not many in addition to
those which I submitted to the postmaster general.
No man I believe has been more cautious than
myself in listening to tales of Indian hostility:
and I have always been solicitous that every
step should be avoided, which under the pretense
of warding off a blow, had a tendency to provoke it.
But on the present occasion I have neither any
doubt of hostile dispositions among the Creeks,
nor of their pervading a portion of the nation
sufficiently numerous to afford the highest
grounds for apprehension as to our own safety.
It is a fact that for months parties of them have been
in the habit of dancing the war dance with the avowed
intention of making war on the white people; that
the persons thus engaged have been either the men
themselves or the known confederates of the men
who had been with the northwestern enemy and had
committed murders on the Ohio; that there are
Shawnee emissaries among them who take a strong
interest in fomenting their warlike dispositions;
that a letter of recommendation, at least, from a
British general to the Spanish Governor in West Florida,
strongly indicated the existence of British patronage;
that they professed in their confidential communications
to people of their own nation, an intention to commit
hostilities upon us; that such was generally understood
to be their plan in Pensacola; and that they have actually
committed the most desolating outrages on the persons
and property of such as were known to be attached to
the United States, and on the ground of that attachment.
The only instance of actual hostility towards our
citizens was indeed the robbery of the mail,
and the attempt to murder the post-rider.
But this was not a mere private act of violence.
It was the act of a numerous, public body dispatched
to Pensacola for the purpose of procuring ammunition.
It seemed to be held by them there
as a sort of national property.
The governor was requested to open it & inform them
what the Americans were going to do with the Muscogees.
The murder of the post-rider was avowed.
Under all these circumstances it was considered
here, that hostilities had actually commenced:
and that the state of things fully warranted an
attempt to arrest the progress of the ammunition
bringing into this country for our destruction.
The attempt however was miserably conducted,
and it proved in a great degree abortive.
Nothing has since occurred.
There has not indeed been time for it,
and the weather fortunately has been remarkably
unfavorable to the operations of our enemies.
The people are in a state of continual alarm and a large
proportion of them have abandoned their houses and
plantations and taken shelter in some of the numerous
forts, which they have erected on the spur of the occasion.
On the waters of the Pascagoula, and in the upper
settlements of this river, they are in great dread of the
Choctaws: but how great the danger is I cannot ascertain:
and I believe that it might even now be removed
by proper exertions to counteract the intrigues of
the British and of the northern emissaries.
It is true, I have not heard of them among the Choctaws:
but as they are certainly among the Creeks, and many
Choctaw towns are known to be disaffected, I think it
but rational to ascribe similar effects to similar
correspondent causes, when no others present
themselves, adequate to produce the same effects.
General Claiborne from the Mississippi
is using every exertion to protect the people,
and I rely much on his zeal and ability.
At present however, his force is inadequate
to so extended a settlement as this.
Governor Holmes is making preparation to aid us
with a few companies of Militia from the Mississippi:
and I am happy in receiving information from him
that he intends being here himself.
General Flournoy still sick at the Bay of St. Louis
feels anxiously for our situation, and has already
thrown in a much needed supply of ammunition
from New Orleans: an article our people are
destitute of and can procure only at the enormous
price of 125 to 150 cents per lb. for gunpowder.
The General will also detach to this frontier, I believe,
the 7th regiment if means of transportation can be
procured in the present low state of public credit.
Difficulties, however, are felt in taking the measures
necessary for suppressing the spirit of hostility, and indeed
of rebellion among the Indians against a local government
patronized by the United States, difficulties arising partly
out of doubts about the authority of any general here to
enter the Indian country, and still greater perhaps from a
want of the funds necessary for making any movements.
As to the real temper and intentions
of the Spanish Governor; I am greatly
at a loss to form an opinion about them.
His conduct in supplying the Indians with ammunition,
when avowedly intending an aggression on the
American settlements, is certainly not to be justified;
and his plea that it had been an annual custom,
I do not believe to be founded in fact.
But whether his concession to them resulted merely
from a desire to retain the friendship of the Indians,
(rendered more earnest perhaps by the anticipation
of a declaration of war by the parent state) or from his
disposition to accommodate himself to the wishes of the
British or from pure pusillanimity or from a secret wish to
encourage a spirit of hostility towards the United States,
I have no data on which to form a satisfactory judgement.
In his conduct with respect to the mail; I can see nothing
but what is truly honorable and becoming
the representative of a friendly power.
He may have been more fearful than became him,
of giving offense to the Indians; but that was all.
The Spaniards, however, have always been so:
and the inhabitants of these countries never knew
what it was to receive protection from savage outrage,
until they became citizens of the United States.17
On August 30 the Red Stick Creeks attacked Fort Minns north of Mobile,
and they killed 517 of the defenders including women and children.
During this massacre a few whites escaped in the woods,
and Indians carried off some black slaves.
On 14 September 1813 Harry Toulmin from Mobile wrote
this note to President Madison:
Since the letter and P.S. accompanying this were
addressed to your Excellency; I have received
letters from Governor Holmes & General Claiborne,
of which I do myself the honor to enclose copies:
and have this day been favored by Major Gibson
with a letter addressed to him by Col. Bowyer,
and which he has been kind enough to give me
for the purpose of its being forwarded to you.
You will not doubt of the distress which
we feel on these alarming accounts.
To defend the country is impossible with the force
existing here, which is daily diminishing by the expiration
of the volunteers’ terms of service: and where to flee to
for safety to our helpless families; I have no idea.
I trust to God that this express may safely reach
Georgia so that you may receive early intelligence
of the alarming state of things in this quarter.
Would to heaven that there was any one
among us authorized to prevent the Choctaws
from falling into the snares of the enemy;
and who could in the name of the Government
invite them to come forward for our protection!18
On 4 October 1813 Harry Toulmin wrote from Fort Stoddert
to President Madison this letter:
It is between two and three weeks since I took
the liberty of addressing you by an express which
I deemed it absolutely necessary to send to Georgia,
relative to the perilous situation of this Territory.
I trust that the men who carried that Express have
got safely through: although we have since heard from
Pensacola that some Indians were on the watch to intercept
any dispatches: but as no account has reached that place
of any interruption, I feel in good hopes that the men who
were sent have passed on unseen and unmolested.
Since that time I have experienced the highest
satisfaction in seeing General Flournoy among us,
who would indeed have been here sooner, but that
it was impossible for him sooner to place a force
in the country capable of any effective operations.
My satisfaction has been increased on witnessing
the judicious and vigorous arrangements which he
is making for the protection of a country which I
really did believe was on the eve of passing away
from under the dominion of the United States.
But I think he will save it: and if he does save it;
he will save the country lying on the Mississippi.
General Claiborne is also with us: and will second with
all his energy the efforts of the commanding general.
There is one point on which since the month of April
last my own mind has been fixed with great anxiety.
It is that of preventing the defection of the
Choctaws, and not only of preventing
their defection but of securing their aid.
Before General Flournoy arrived, I had with some others
addressed General Claiborne on the subject, and had with
them become responsible for any advances which might be
made on his requisition by the U.S. factor for the Choctaw
trading house, provided that the national government
should, contrary to our expectations, refuse to sanction
such donations of necessary articles, as the general might
deem it proper to bestow upon them for the purpose of
preventing their falling into the arms of the national enemy.
When we heard of the approach of General Flournoy,
we deemed it expedient to renew (with all the earnestness
of men who saw not their properties only, but the very
existence of the federal government at stake), our
entreaties that the Choctaws may be regarded as
a portion of the American family, and called upon
to participate in American struggles.
The general consented, & they are secured.
I feel confident that you will say he has done well.
But I mention these things to show, that if he is censured;
all thinking men around must be censured with him.
I trust however that ample provision will be made to
encourage our Indian friends, real friends as they are,
for they are friends in adversity.
On the death of my lamented friend Captain Wilkinson,
I found among his papers a letter for his father
received since the departure of the General.
It was written in May (I think about the 26th)
and related to the conduct he was to observe
towards Indians and Spaniards in case of aggression.
I communicated it instantly to
the officer commanding at Mobile.
It was doubted at first whether it ought to be forwarded
to General Wilkinson or General Flournoy: but as the
instructions it conveyed depended on general principles,
which could not vary with the officer in command, I was
at length decidedly of opinion that it ought to be laid before
General Flournoy and took the first opportunity of doing so.
Still however, cases have occurred
which that letter will not fully reach.
The Spaniards have not, indeed, attacked our posts
on Perdido, at least while we occupied them:
but they have done worse.
They have employed the Indians to attack us.
I say they have employed them because I can give no
softer epithet to their conduct in distributing presents,
altogether unusual and in violation of the spirit of their
treaty with us to men professing to be about to go to war
with us, to men who indicated their intention by the most
unequivocal acts, to men who in the only way known to
their usages formally declared war against us in the capital
of West Florida, to men who owed a qualified allegiance
to us and to men whose capacity to make war
depended on foreign co-operation.
More mischief has accordingly been done than the Spaniards
themselves could have done by destroying twenty posts.
Are we then to regard them as friends?
We may be told, indeed, that there is
no systematic enmity in the Spaniards.
I hope that the assertion is possibly true: and I would hope,
if they were not too much entangled, that the overbearing
character of the British government would create a disgust
sufficient to terminate their connection with them:
but our safety is too precious to be risked on political
speculations: and if the Spanish governor, whether
through weakness or wickedness is pursuing a
course of conduct which forebodes the extermination
of American population in a large extent of territory;
it is the same to us, and the hostility of his conduct
is to be judged of by its intrinsic character and
obvious tendency and not by the character of the man
or by the plausible pretenses on which it is vindicated.
I pray your indulgence, Sir.
I fear that when speaking to the chief magistrate
of the nation, I may be thought to go too far.
I did not mean to say so much.
But I look around a once flourishing
country and see it desolate.
I look at my family and see them fugitives.
I know not where the desolation will end.
I know not where our flight can terminate.
I speak therefore as I feel.
Perhaps my feelings may have the mastery of my
judgement: but if my feelings be extravagant,
or my judgement be erroneous; I pray you to
pardon them and not to harbor the idea, that I would
willingly over-step the modesty of political subordination.
General Flournoy sends to you
a statement made today by Mr. Smith.
I should do injustice to my own mind did I not add
one word as to the credibility of this gentleman.
He became the victim, because, as I believe, he was the
dupe of a traitor’s machinations: but, though I have paid
some attention to his history, I never could bring myself
to doubt his patriotism: and my friend Col. Garrard,
long governor of Kentucky, who knew him intimately;
and is a penetrating judge of the human character,
has to this day a high opinion of the soundness of his heart.
Another person, whom I know nothing of & have not the
same favorable opinion about, named Moses Rush,
gave me lately a similar statement with some additions.
I have not his affidavit, as it is gone to Governor Holmes.
He states that there were 10 or 12 vessels
loaded with military supplies at Pensacola.
I suppose he may have been mistaken in this.
But he also states what he says he heard.
I refer to a conversation which, he says, took place in his
presence between the English Captain Johnson and some
Indian chiefs, in which he said, that the presents were now
ready, that they should be delivered at Pensacola in a
month, that 100 British vessels would then come loaded with
troops from the West Indies & the Havana, that they would
land at Pensacola, attack Mobile, & proceed to Orleans.
Perhaps it was the mere gasconade of Johnston to
encourage the Indians: but that some co-operation should
be given to the Indians, I think highly probable & that
it will be given is the general expectation at Pensacola.
There is a coincidence, which may perhaps be fanciful:
but it struck my mind, & I will mention it.
You can best judge whether or not it be merely fanciful.
Mr. Smith in his certificate today speaks of the expectation
entertained at Pensacola that the British will attempt to
sever Florida & Louisiana from the United States.
I saw yesterday a notification of a New England pamphlet
proposing a scheme for separating the old 13 States
from Louisiana & the western country.
Is there such a unity between the enemy and a faction,
(blasphemously calling themselves federalists)
as should induce them at the extremes of the nation
to co-operate in their several modes towards
accomplishing the same traitorous and anti-federal objects?
Can it be possible?
Mr. Smith, in addition to what he has stated in writing,
has verbally informed me that he has understood from
the Spanish Interpreter (whom he represents as a really
good-hearted man) that the hostile Creeks had addressed
a letter to the Governor of Pensacola, in which they said,
that if it was his wish to save Mobile, they would save it:
but that they should otherwise burn it, as they
intended to do, all the settlements up the river.
They also requested to know whether he would
co-operate by going around by water with cannon.
They stated that they only looked for ammunition from the
Spaniards, but would themselves furnish corn & beef from
the upper country: and that they would come or send for
an answer to Pensacola by the last of the present month.
Their plan, however, was to beat the Georgians first,
and after that to proceed in force to the western country.
They say in the same letter that they are from three to
four thousand strong, and that a considerable
accession is expected from the Seminoles.
We give life to our enemies.
We nerve their arms for our own destruction.
Immense quantities of provision go to Pensacola.
The British get the most.
The Indians get some.
It will be important to them at the
commencement of the campaign.
I did wish most heartily, today, when the General
mentioned the matter to me, that I could be of opinion
that the instructions from the war & navy departments
authorized the measure of stopping those supplies.
Perhaps a little rigor in executing the coasting trade laws,
might for a moment answer the
same purpose, partially at least.
I trust, however, that the Senate will not
much longer contend for our right to give
aid and comfort to our own enemies.
A few weeks since we were expecting a considerable
force from the Mississippi, and Governor Holmes
made arrangements for bringing it forward.
At that moment he found that the General had
no authority to call for it, & as no territorial law
exists providing for the employment and payment
of militia detachments; all his efforts became abortive.
Whether our force will be sufficient without them,
must depend on the conduct of the Spaniards and
on the force which the British will bring against us
to divert the war from Canada or to counterbalance
by acquisitions here for losses there.
The Spaniards have about 800 men at Pensacola.
Our settlement is at present broken up.
The Indians make daily depredations: but no great
stroke has been struck since the massacre at Mims’s.19
On October 6 General Thomas Flournoy wrote
this letter to President Madison:
The situation in which I am placed in consequence of my
having received no letters from the war department in
answer to some of those which I have forwarded, on
subjects vitally connected with the public welfare—at war
with the Creek Indians who are laying waste the frontier of
this territory, at a loss how to conduct myself towards the
Spaniards, who secretly abet those Indians; I have taken
the resolution of sending to you, Captain McQueen
(of the 8th Infantry who attended me to this Country in the
capacity of Brigade Major) with this communication.
My correspondence with the Governor of Pensacola has
already been transmitted to the war department by post,
but fearing some failure, & knowing that the Secretary is
with the Northern army, I send it to you enclosed No. 1.
That a large supply of ammunition has been furnished
from Pensacola to the hostile Creeks is well known in this
quarter, and there is at this time in that place a quantity
of military stores intended for the same purpose, is well
established by the enclosed affidavit No. 2 which is
corroborated by other testimony in my possession.
I deem it proper to observe that Mr. Smith, who makes this
affidavit is the same person who was formerly a Senator in
Congress from the State of Ohio, & expelled that body upon
charges connecting him with the Burr Conspiracy.
But he has for some Months past been in the
confidence & employ of General Wilkinson, who
entertains the highest opinion of his integrity & truth.
I hold a paper which was forwarded to me by the General
when lately at the City of Washington, which authorizes
Mr. Smith to draw upon the Secretary of War,
for five hundred dollars, as a reward for his services.
I mention this to show the estimation
in which the General holds his services.
I will add, that I am satisfied,
he speaks what he knows & thinks.
Col. Hawkins declares that it has not been the usage
or custom of the governor of Pensacola to furnish an
annual supply of ammunition to the Creek Indians.
Judge Toulmin asserts the same thing.
The custom is denied by the Big Warrior
(Chief of the Creek nation) who heads
the friendly Indians in the present contest.
The Royal Spanish Army in New Mexico has completely
destroyed the republican army (as it is called)
& it is feared will take possession of that part of the State
of Louisiana claimed by Spain, which lies to the West.
This appears by Captain Overton’s letters sent me by
express, which with my answer is marked No. 3.
Captain Overton Commands at Natchitoches.
Two days ago I was met at the town of Mobile by two
Choctaw Indian chiefs, one of whom is the celebrated
Medal chief known by the name of Poushmataha.
My conference with them & the
conversation held is contained in No. 4.
These Chiefs set out this morning to their districts,
bearing with them letters from me to two other Principal
Chiefs, the substance of which is contained in No. 5.
I am well assured & do believe, that if the young men
of the Choctaws are not employed to act on our side,
they will take up arms against us.
I have written to Governor Holmes, to turn out his Militia
(not by requisition, for I have no power to make a
requisition & regret much that I have not) & have requested
a personal interview with him at this place, that we
may Consult together on the affairs of the Territory.
I expect him here in a few days.
I understand he has already ordered
to this place about two hundred men.
I am in daily expectation of Viewing a number of
Volunteers from the State of Tennessee,
said to be on their march to St. Stephens.
I shall as soon as possible organize a force to consist
of regulars, Mississippi Territory Volunteers in the
Service of the United States, Mississippi Territory
Militia, Tennessee Militia, & Choctaw Indians, &
proceed into the Creek nation against the hostile party.
Thus have I given you a short view
of what I have done & what I intend to do.
If I have not been sufficiently explanatory, I refer you
to Captain McQueen, whom you will find intelligent.
I am apprised that I have no law, regulation, or order,
that will justify me in the course I am pursuing,
but urged by necessity & a desire to save the district
I am ordered to defend, I presume to act on my own
responsibility trusting to the justice of the nation,
to acquit me of censure.
If I err, I shall cheerfully meet an enquiry
& abide the Consequences.
The Correctness of my Motives cannot be questioned.
As to other Subjects Connected with my duty,
I beg leave to make enquiry by way of Interrogatories.
How am I to understand the act of the last
extra Session of Congress, which prohibits
direct or indirect commerce with the enemy?
I have not the act before me, &
therefore cannot state its provisions.
Will this act or the orders which issued from the adjutant
& Inspector General’s Office on the fifth day of August last,
authorize me in stopping & turning back “all vessels or
river craft which may be suspected of proceeding to”
the town of Pensacola with provisions?
It is a fact, that Vessels daily pass before our eyes from
Orleans to Pensacola loaded with flour, meal, &c.
& it is equally a fact that these articles
are sent off to feed the British Army.
Am I justified in accepting the services of Volunteers,
though the act on that subject has been repealed,
or making requisitions for Militia under the act
establishing the United States quota?
Shall I be justified in carrying our arms to the gates
of Pensacola, as well to prevent the Spaniards from
supplying the Indians with arms & ammunition, as to
punish them for the supplies they have already furnished?
Shall I be justified in pursuing the flying Creeks into the
town of Pensacola & punishing them & the Spaniards
together for the injuries they have done the United States?
In such an event, shall I destroy the town, spike their
guns & return within the boundary of the United States,
or shall I endeavor to hold possession for the United States?
How far is the naval force bound to Co-operate
with the land troops or obey my orders?
How far is the Marine Corps liable to obey my orders
or do duty under my Command?
What compensation am I authorized
to promise the Choctaws for their Services?
May I take goods from the Choctaw factory
at St. Stephens for the use of the Choctaws?
As far as depends on me & the means in my power,
I am determined to bring the Creek war to a speedy
conclusion, and if I shall be authorized to carry the war
against Pensacola, I have little doubt but I shall take
possession of that place, should the British not interfere.20
About 10 October 1813 President Madison sent this letter
to Secretary of State Monroe:
It is of the greatest importance that the Creek war should
be crushed before it can invite or co-operate with British or
Spanish attacks in that quarter, or draw other Tribes into it.
In this view and under the circumstances existing,
the large force from Tennessee may
be adopted under the usual regulations.
The Choctaw Agency may be furnished with an
acceptance by the Government of the aid of that tribe;
the acceptance to be presented on notice from the
officer commanding the District, who should be informed
thereof, & have a discretionary power to give the notice.
General Flournoy’s doubts as to his authority
to call for Militia should be removed.
The proper Steps should be taken for
re-enlisting or reengaging the expiring corps.
Provision should be made for Scouts if necessary.21
On 11 October 1813 President James Madison wrote this letter
to Secretary of War John Armstrong:
The communications which you will receive from &
through the War Office present the state of things
produced on our Southern Frontier by the Creek War:
& by the start it has had of the movements for meeting it.
It is of so much importance that it should receive a
decisive blow before the success of the Creeks shall
have operated on the other Tribes & on the views
of the English & Spaniards, as well as that our
settlements should be saved from the desolation
threatening them, that I have thought it would be
best under all the circumstances brought to our view
to encourage the exertions of Tennessee by adopting the
force added by the Legislature to that heretofore called for.
It would be fortunate if we had an eligible Major General
in that quarter, at once to effect a general concert & to
secure the command in Regular hands; but such an
arrangement appearing to be impracticable, Governor
Mitchell, who was put at the head of the operations
against the Indians, will continue so if re-elected at
the approaching Session of the Legislature.
In a contrary event a General Floyd, who is highly
spoken of, will command the Georgia detached;
subordinate of course to General Flournoy, who will
be so to the commander of the Tennessee forces,
if a Major General as will probably be the case.
The late success of Perry & progress of Harrison will
have a favorable influence on the Southern Indians;
but should they not be known in time to arrest the
confidence & activity with which the War is pursued.
Yesterday’s Mail brought the account
from Harrison dated at Amherstburg.
I trust that in his pursuit he will not forget
the traps & tricks of an artful Enemy.
The dangers of these may be the greater, if he is
on foot & Proctor on Horseback & as some Ruse or other,
may be essential to a successful retreat of the latter.
Your letter last acknowledged brought the latest
information relative to the quarter where you are,
& to Hampton’s movements.
The issue of the engagement on
Lake Ontario is still unknown.
The universal anxiety on the occupation
corresponds with the extreme importance of it.
Your letter of the 21st of September had not
been seen at the date of my last.
The circumstances which it states make it
proper that Elicott should not be set aside.
We have nothing from Diplomatic sources
throwing much light on the field of foreign politics;
nor a line from our Envoys to Russia.22
On 1 June 1814 several chiefs of the Cherokee Nation sent
a letter to Madison whom they addressed as “Beloved Father:”
We your red children living near the borders of
North Carolina and inhabiting the following towns, (viz)
Tuck·a·leech·e, Cow·e Ni·qua·se, Ca·tu·ga·jay, Tus·quitta,
A·ko·heeh, I·oh·see, Tow·ah·see, Coo·sa·he, Nau·tut·le,
Tau·co·e, Chu·nant·a·heh, Wul·o·see, Tin·sa·weh·ta·he,
Co·ta·che·co·e, O·na·se·te, Na·co·che, Che·o·e,
Nan·ta·he·la, and Qua·ne·eh, beg leave to
present to you the following Memorial in hopes
of relief by your granting our request.
Now be it known to you that we labor under great
inconveniencies by living at a great distance from
Colonel Meigs the agent for the whole nation,
so that he cannot know our wants or distresses.
All nations have bad men amongst them; these will be doing
wrongs the one to the other; we wish therefore to have
some person (in whom both nations can confide) to settle
any difference which may arise betwixt us and our white
Brothers: we do not wish you to think that we find any fault
with Colonel Meigs; we love and respect him; he is a good
man, and we all love him; but being at such a distance from
us, it is impossible he can be of that service in preserving
peace, and preventing wrongs, which a person residing on
the spot would be: we hope therefore you will appoint
some person residing on this frontier to superintend the
business of this part of our nation; either to have exclusive
jurisdiction, or to act under the direction of Colonel Meigs,
(as you in your wisdom may think best)
in order to preserve that peace and harmony
which ought to subsist betwixt the two nations.23
On 21 December 1814 President Madison made this Presidential Proclamation:
Whereas a Treaty between the United States of
and the Wyandot, Delaware, Shawnee, Seneca, and Miami
Nations of Indians was concluded and signed on the twenty-
second day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand
Eight hundred and fourteen, by the Commissioners of both
nations, fully and respectively authorized for that purpose,
and was duly ratified and confirmed by the President of the
United States on the thirteenth day of December in the year
of our Lord 1814 with the advice and consent of the Senate,
which Treaty is in the words following, to wit:
A Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the United
States of America, and the Tribes of Indians called the
Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoese, Senecas and Miamies.
The said United States of America by William Henry
Harrison, late a Major General in the Army of the United
States, and Lewis Cass, Governor of the Michigan Territory,
duly authorized and appointed Commissioners for the
purpose, and the said Tribes by their head men, chiefs
and Warriors, assembled at Greenville in the State of
Ohio, have agreed to the following articles, which when
ratified by the President of the United States by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof,
shall be binding upon them and the said Tribes.
Article 1st. The United States and the Wyandots,
Delawares, Shawanoese and Senecas, give peace to the
Miamie nation of Indians formerly designated as the
Miamie Eel River, and Weea tribes, they extend this
indulgence also to the Bands of the Putawatimies which
adhere to the Grand Sachem Tobinipee and to the Chief
Onoxa, to the Ottowas of Blanchards Creek, who have
attached themselves to the Shawanoese Tribe, and to
such of the said tribe as adhere to the chief called the
Wing in the neighborhood of Detroit, and to the Kickapoos,
under the direction of the Chiefs who sign this Treaty.
Article 2nd. The Tribes and Bands above mentioned
engage to give their Aid to the United States in prosecuting
the War against Great Britain, and such of the Indian
Tribes, as still continue hostile; and to make no peace
with either without the consent of the United States.
The assistance herein stipulated for, is to consist of
such a number of their warriors from each Tribe as
the President of the United States or any officer
having his authority therefor may require.
Article 3rd. The Wyandot Tribe, and the Senecas of
Sandusky and Stoney Creek, the Delaware, and
Shawanoese Tribes who have preserved their fidelity to the
United States throughout the war, again acknowledge
themselves under the protection of the said states and of no
other power whatever and agree to aid the United States
in the manner stipulated for in the former article, and to
make no peace but with the consent of the said States.
Article 4. In the event of a faithful performance of the
conditions of this Treaty, The United States will confirm and
establish all the boundaries between their Lands and those
of the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoese and Miamies, as
they existed previously to the commencement of the war.
In Testimony whereof the said Commissioners
and the said Head men, Chiefs and Warriors of
the before mentioned Tribes of Indians have
hereunto set their hands and affixed their seals.
Done at Greenville in the State of Ohio this
twenty-second day of July in the year of our Lord,
one thousand, eight hundred and fourteen, and of the
Independence of the United States, the Thirty ninth.
The treaty next listed the names of William Henry Harrison and Lewis Cass
and the 103 natives signing the treaty followed by Madison’s closing words
below before the names of Madison and Monroe:
Now, therefore, to the end that the said treaty may be
observed and performed with good faith on the part of the
United States, I have caused the premises to be made
public, and I do hereby enjoin and require all persons
bearing office, civil or military, within the United States,
and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being
within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the
said treaty and every clause and article thereof.
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed to these presents,
and signed the same with my hand.
Done at the City of Washington, the twenty-first day
of December in the year of our Lord one Thousand
Eight Hundred and Fourteen, and of the independence
of the United States the thirty-ninth.24
Col. Lewis Shawnee chief sent this Memorial to
President Madison and the US Congress in January 1816:
To their Father the president and the Congress of the United
States now sitting in Council on the affairs of the Nation:
The Memorial of your Children the red people of
Lewistown, head of great Miami humbly and respectfully,
shows To your honors that we amongst our own and
other tribes almost twenty summers ago Made and
confirmed a treaty with our father (and your much famed)
General Wayne by which peace and protection were
granted to us, your supplicating children, and although
great were those advantages until lately, few and easy
were the Conditions, peaceable and good behavior,
(and we being settled near to the whites appeal to them
for our character) and although since the unhappy
contest between our present and former friends too!
Too many of our deluded people have been seduced to go
over to your (and consequently our) enemies.
We your memorialists have at all times at the call of
your noted General Harrison and those that succeeded
him followed your standards, and underwent a full
share of the toils and dangers of the war, for which
we claim no other merit then that of having done the
duty of your children, to you their kind and beneficent
fathers, who have during the performance of that duty
supported our families for which we are sincerely thankful.
But, calling to mind we were once a people that by our
own exertions, and the natural advantages of our country
procured a plentiful living for our families, these advantages
being exhausted we wish to get into a way that would
render our living less precarious as well as less burdensome
to our friends the white people, And as we had some time
ago received a visit from the Rev. James Hughs a minister
of the Presbyterian church who appeared anxious to give us
instructions by preaching the gospel to us and who has
again visited us as a missionary authorized by that church
not only to preach the gospel to us but also to teach our
young people the arts of the whites, by which they would
be capable to make provision for this life, and taking in by
reading &c. a knowledge of a future state—to acquire
which we are aware that we have, to undergo a pupilage
that however irksome to an untutored mind, is become
absolutely necessary to procure those advantages.
Our friend Mr. Hughs proposes planning a school in which
our children shall be taught as well to read &c. as to work,
the boys to till the ground to the best advantage and the
girls to sew, spin and do all the business of a domestic life,
from which proposal, however gloomy our situation has
been since a living in our former way has become
impracticable, a dawn breaks in on our prospects that
promises better times than would ever attend an untutored
state, but as these advantages cannot be procured without
the aid of the General Government and lands being
necessary for such an establishment and as our friend
Mr. Hughs and ourselves have thought that the situation of
section North 29 of town 5 and range 13 between the great
Miami and the Varginia Reservation, (though not rich) is the
most suitable for the purpose of any that can be got, it being
about 12 Miles from our town a distance that will prevent
our children from too frequently visiting their homes—
We therefore pray that, that section may be given us for
that purpose, and that your honors will do such other things
as you in your goodness and wisdom may deem necessary
for Furthering the welfare of your distressed friends and
we shall ever acknowledge and as in duty bound pray.
Col. Lewis Shawny chief
Capt. Civil John Mingo Chief
Wachanachy war Chief.25
President Madison on 10 December 1816 sent this list of treaties
made in 1816 to be ratified by the United States Senate:
I lay before the Senate for their consideration and advice,
as to a ratification Treaties concluded with the Several Indian Tribes
according to the following Statement.List of Indian Tribes with whom treaties have been made
since the last Session of Congress.Weas, and Kickapoos tribes of Indians.—Treaty concluded at Fort Harrison
between Benjamin Parke and the chiefs &
headmen of those tribes the 4th June, 1816.
Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottowotomees.—Treaty concluded at St. Louis
between Governors Clarke, Edwards, and Col. Choteau and the chiefs and
headmen of those tribes on 24th August, 1816.
Winnebago, Tribes made by the same persons on part United States and
the headmen of this tribe at St. Louis 3rd June, 1816.
Sacks of Rock River.—Made by same at St. Louis 13th May, 1816.
Siouxs composing three tribes, the Siouxs of the Leaf, the Siouxs
of the Broad Leaf, and the Siouxs who shoot
on the Pine-tops.—Made and concluded by the same at St. Louis 1st June, 1816.
Chickasaw tribe.—Treaty made by General Jackson, David Merrewether esq.
and Jesse Franklin esq. and the headmen of that Nation at Chickasaw
council house 20th September, 1816.
Cherokee tribe.—Treaty made by General Jackson, David Merrewether esq.
and Jesse Franklin esq. and the headmen of that nation at Turkey Town
on the 4th October, 1816.
Choctaw tribe.—Treaty made by General John Coffee, John Rhea,
and John McKee, esquires and the headmen and warriors of that nation at the
Choctaw trading house on the 24th of October, 1816.26
On 25 January 1817 President Madison presented to the United States Congress
the ratified treaties of those nations listed above.
Notes
1. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 1 1 March—
30 September 1809, ed. J. C. A. Stagg et al, p. 6-8.
2. Ibid., p. 1.
3. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 5 November 1811
9 July 1812 with a supplement 5 March 1809—19 October 1811, p. 589.
4. Ibid., p. 607.
5. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 2 1 October 1809
2 November 1810, ed. Robert A. Rutland et al, p. 421-422.
6. Ibid., p. 554-555, 558.
7. Ibid., p. 297-298.
8. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 3 3 November 1810
4 November 1811 ed. J. C. A. Stagg et al, p. 82-84.
9. Ibid., p. 118.
10. Ibid., p. 305-306.
11. Ibid., p. 397-399.
12. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 4 5 November 1811
9 July 1812 with a supplement 5 March 1809—19 October 1811 ed. J. C. A. Stagg
et al, p. 12-14.
13. Ibid., p. 27.
14. Ibid., p. 163-166.
15. Ibid., p. 445.
16. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 5 10 July 1812
7 February 1813 ed. J. C. A. Stagg et al, p. 171-177.
17. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 6 8 February
24 October 1813 ed. J. C. A. Stagg, p. 520-523.
18. Ibid., p. 630.
19. Ibid., p. 670-674.
20. Ibid., p. 676-678.
21. Ibid., p. 687.
22. Ibid., p. 688-689.
23. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 7 25 October 1813
30 June 1814 ed. J. C. A. Stagg et al, p. 528-529.
24. The Papers of James Madison: Presidential Series, Volume 8 July 1814
18 February 1815 with a supplement December 1779-18 April 1814, p. 455-461.
25. Memorial of the Shawnee Indians of Lewistown, Ohio, [January 1816] (Online).
26. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1908,
Volume I by James D. Richardson, p. 581.