The former British Prime Minister William Pitt, after meeting
with Benjamin Franklin, proposed a conciliatory bill in the
House of Lords on 1 February 1775, and it was defeated.
On 20 February 1775 the Assemblies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania
and Virginia, the House in a committee on American papers sent
the following to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia:
The House in a Committee on the American papers.
Motion made, and question proposed.
That it is the opinion of this Committee, that when the
General Council and Assembly, or General Court of any
of his Majesty’s provinces or colonies in America shall
propose to make provision according to the condition,
circumstance, or situation of such province or colony,
for contributing their proportion to the common defense
(such proportion to be raised under the authority of the
General Court, or General Assembly of such province
or colony, and disposable by Parliament) and shall
engage to make provision also for the support of the
civil government and the Administration of justice
in such province or colony, it will be proper if such
proposal shall be approved by his Majesty and the two
Houses of Parliament; and for so long as such provision
shall be made accordingly to forbear in respect of such
province or colony to lay any duty, tax, or assessment,
or to impose any further duty, tax or assessment,
except only such duties as it may be expedient to continue
to levy or impose for the regulation of commerce, the net
produce of the duties last mentioned to be carried
to the account of such province or colony respectively.The Congress took the said resolution into consideration,
and are thereupon of opinion:
That the colonies of America are entitled to the sole and
exclusive privilege of giving and granting their own money;
that this involves a right of deliberating whether they will
make any gift, for what purposes it shall be made,
and what shall be its amount; and that it is a high breach
of this privilege for any body of men, extraneous
to their constitutions, to prescribe the purposes
for which money shall be levied on them to take to themselves
the authority of judging of their conditions, circumstances
and situations; and of determining the
amount of the contribution to be levied.
That as the colonies possess a right of appropriating
their gifts, so are they entitled at all times to enquire
into their application, to see that they be not wasted
among the venal and corrupt for the purpose of
undermining the civil rights of the givers, nor yet be
diverted to the support of standing armies, inconsistent
with their freedom and subversive of their quiet.
To propose therefore, as this resolution does, that the
monies given by the colonies shall be subject to the disposal
of parliament alone, is to propose that they shall relinquish
this right of enquiry and put it in the power of others to
render their gifts, ruinous, in proportion as they are liberal.
That this privilege of giving or of withholding our monies
is an important barrier against the undue exertion of
prerogative, which if left altogether without control may be
exercised to our great oppression; and all history shows
how efficacious is its intercession for redress of grievances
and re-establishment of rights, and how improvident
it would be to part with so powerful a mediator.
We are of opinion that the proposition contained in this
resolution is unreasonable and insidious: unreasonable,
because, if we declare we accede to it, we declare
without reservation, we will purchase the favor of
Parliament, not knowing at the same time at what price
they will please to estimate their favor:
It is insidious, because, individual colonies, having bid and
bidden again, till they find the avidity of the seller too great
for all their powers to satisfy; are then to return into
opposition, divided from their sister colonies whom the
minister will have previously detached by a grant of easier
terms, or by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer.
That the suspension of the exercise of their pretended
power of taxation being expressly made commensurate
with the continuance of our gifts, these must be
perpetual to make that so.
Whereas no experience has shown that a gift of
perpetual revenue secures a perpetual return of duty
or of kind disposition.
On the contrary, the Parliament itself, wisely attentive
to this observation, are in the established practice
of granting their supplies from year to year only.
Desirous and determined as we are to consider in the
most dispassionate view every seeming advance towards
a reconciliation made by the British Parliament,
let our brethren of Britain reflect what would have been
the sacrifice to men of free spirits had even fair terms
been proffered, as these insidious proposals were
with circumstances of insult and defiance.
A proposition to give our money, accompanied
With large fleets and armies, seems addressed
to our fears rather than to our freedom.
With what patience would Britons have received articles
of treaty from any power on earth when borne
on the point of a bayonet by military plenipotentiaries?
We think the attempt unnecessary to raise upon us
by force or by threats our proportional contributions
to the common defense, when all know and
themselves acknowledge we have fully contributed,
whenever called upon to do so in the character of freemen.
We are of opinion it is not just that the colonies should
be required to oblige themselves to other contributions,
while Great Britain possesses a monopoly of their trade.
This of itself lays them under heavy contribution.
To demand therefore, additional aids in the form of
a tax is to demand the double of their equal proportion,
if we are to contribute equally with the other parts
of the empire, let us equally with them enjoy
free commerce with the whole world.
But while the restrictions on our trade shut to us
the resources of wealth, is it just we should bear
all other burthens equally with those to whom
every resource is open.
We conceive that the British Parliament has no right
to intermeddle with our provisions for the support
of civil government or administration of justice.
The provisions we have made are such as please ourselves,
and are agreeable to our own circumstances; they answer
the substantial purposes of government and of justice,
and other purposes than these should not be answered.
We do not mean that our people shall be burthened
with oppressive taxes to provide sinecures for the idle
or the wicked under color of providing for a civil list.
While Parliament pursue their plan of civil government
within their own jurisdiction, we also hope
to pursue ours without molestation.
We are of opinion the proposition is altogether
unsatisfactory because it imports only a suspension of the
mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us:
Because too it does not propose to repeal the several Acts
of Parliament passed for the purposes of restraining the
trade and altering the form of government of one of
our Colonies; extending the boundaries and changing
the government of Quebec; enlarging the jurisdiction of
the Courts of Admiralty and Vice Admiralty; taking from us
the rights of trial by a Jury of the vicinage in cases affecting
both life and property; transporting us into other countries
to be tried for criminal offences; exempting by mock-trial
the murderers of Colonists from punishment;
and quartering soldiers on us in times of profound peace.
Nor do they renounce the power of suspending
our own Legislatures and of legislating for us
themselves in all cases whatsoever.
On the contrary, to show they mean no discontinuance
of injury, they pass acts at the very time of holding out
this proposition for restraining the commerce and
fisheries of the Provinces of New-England, and for
interdicting the trade of other Colonies with
all foreign nations and with each other.
This proves unequivocally they mean not to relinquish
the exercise of indiscriminate legislation over us.
Upon the whole, this proposition seems to have been
held up to the world to deceive it into a belief that there
was nothing in dispute between us but the mode of
levying taxes; and that the Parliament having now
been so good as to give up this, the Colonies are
unreasonable if not perfectly satisfied:
Whereas in truth, our adversaries still claim a right of
demanding ad libitum, and of taxing us themselves to the
full amount of their demand if we do not comply with it.
This leaves us without any thing we can call property.
But what is of more importance, and what in this proposal
they keep out of sight, as if no such point was now in
contest between us, they claim a right to alter our
Charters and established laws, and leave us
without any security for our Lives or Liberties.
The proposition seems also to have been calculated more
particularly to lull into fatal security our well-affected fellow
subjects on the other side the water, till time should be
given for the operation of those arms, which a British
Minister pronounced would instantaneously reduce the
“cowardly” sons of America to unreserved submission.
But when the world reflects how inadequate to justice
are these vaunted terms; when it attends to the rapid
and bold succession of injuries, which during a course
of eleven years have been aimed at these Colonies;
when it reviews the pacific and respectful expostulations,
which during that whole time were the sole arms
we opposed to them; when it observes that our complaints
were either not heard at all or were answered with new
and accumulated injury; when it recollects that the
Minister himself on an early occasion declared,
“that he would never treat with America, till he had brought
her to his feet,” and that an avowed partisan of Ministry has
more lately denounced against us the dreadful sentence
“delenda est Carthago,” that this was done in presence of
a British Senate, and being unreproved by them, must be
taken to be their own sentiment, (especially as the purpose
has already in part been carried into execution by their
treatment of Boston and burning of Charlestown) when it
considers the great armaments with which they have
invaded us and the circumstances of cruelty with which
these have commenced and prosecuted hostilities; when
these things, we say, are laid together, and attentively
considered, can the world be deceived into an opinion that
we are unreasonable, or can it hesitate to believe with us,
that nothing but our own exertions may defeat the
ministerial sentence of death or abject submission.By Order of the Congress,
John Hancock, President
Philadelphia, July 31, 1775 1
On 23 March 1775 the Virginia convention listened to a resolution
presented by colonists from Jamaica proposing nonresistance either
by a commercial boycott or military defense.
Maryland’s committee suggested “a well regulated militia.”
Fairfax County in Virginia wanted a call for arms for defense.
George Washington and others warned that extralegal militias
could provoke a war while not being prepared.
Also on March 23 Patrick Henry urged Virginia to
“be immediately put into a state of defense.”
He continued his speech,
Let us not deceive ourselves any longer.
I repeat it, sir, we must fight.
An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts
is all that is left to us.
They tell us, sir, that we are weak, unable
to cope with so formidable an adversary.
But when shall we be stronger?
Will it be next week or the next year?
There is no retreat but in submission and slavery.
Our chains are forged.
Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston.
The war is inevitable. And let it come!
I repeat it, sir, let it come!
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter.
Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace—but there is no peace.
The war is actually begun!
The next gale that sweeps from the north will
bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms!
Our brethren are already in the field!
Why stand we idle here?
What is it that the gentleman wants?
Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be
purchased at the price of chains and slavery?
Forbid it, Almighty God!
I know not what course others may take,
but as for me, give me liberty or give me death.2
Henry and the radicals wanted a resolution for defense,
and it carried in a secret vote by 65 to 60.
Henry was put in charge of defense, and Jefferson joined the
committee of twelve who were to plan defense for Virginia.
Their report delivered on March 25 was in Jefferson’s handwriting.
On March 27 Jefferson was elected a delegate to the Second Continental Congress.
On 19 April 1775 in Massachusetts the colonial militias fought against the
British troops that had marched to Lexington and Concord to get control of weapons.
In the first battles of the War for Independence the
British suffered 273 casualties and the Americans 95.
The next day British marines moved 15 half barrels of gunpowder
from the public magazine at Williamsburg to the HMS Magdalen.
People gathered at the Governor’s palace.
On April 22 Gov. Dunmore had two of the leaders arrested, and he
threatened to free slaves and destroy the city of Williamsburg
if there were any more insults or injuries to the royal government.
On May 7 Jefferson wrote in a letter to his early teacher William Small:
I had the pleasure by a gentleman who saw you
at Birmingham to hear of your welfare.
By Captain Aselby of the True-patriot belonging
to Messrs. Farrell & Jones of Bristol I send you
three dozen bottles of Madeira, being the half
of a present which I had laid by for you.
The captain was afraid to take more on board lest
it should draw upon him the officers of the customs.
The remaining three dozen therefore I propose
to send by Captain Drew belonging to the same
mercantile house, who is just arrived here.
That which goes by Aselby will be delivered
by him to your order; the residue by Drew,
or by Farrell & Jones, I know not which as yet.
I hope you will find it fine as it came to me genuine from
the island and has been kept in my own cellar eight years.
Within this week we have received the unhappy news
of an action of considerable magnitude between the
king’s troops and our brethren of Boston, in which
it is said 500 of the former with Earl Piercy are slain.
That such an action has happened is undoubted,
though perhaps the circumstances may not
yet have reached us with truth.
This accident has cut off our last hopes of reconciliation,
and a frenzy of revenge seems
to have seized all ranks of people.
It is a lamentable circumstance that the only mediatory
power acknowledged by both parties, instead of
leading to a reconciliation his divided people,
should pursue the incendiary purpose of still
blowing up the flames as we find him constantly
doing in every speech and public declaration.
This may perhaps be intended to intimidate
into acquiescence, but the effect has been
most unfortunately otherwise.
A little knowledge of human nature and attention
to its ordinary workings might have foreseen that
the spirits of the people here were in a state
in which they were more likely to be provoked
than frightened by haughty deportment.
And to fill up the measure of irritation, proscription of
individuals has been substituted in the room of just trial.
Can it be believed that a grateful people will suffer
those to be consigned to execution whose sole crime
has been the developing and asserting their rights?
Had the parliament possessed the liberty
of reflection they would have avoided a
measure as impotent as it was inflammatory.
When I saw Lord Chatham’s bill I entertained high hope
that a reconciliation could have been brought about.
The difference between his terms and those offered by
our congress might have been accommodated if entered
on by both parties with a disposition to accommodate.
But the dignity of parliament it seems
can brook no opposition to its power.
Strange that a set of men who have made sale of their
virtue to the minister should yet talk of retaining dignity!
But I am getting into politics though I sat down
only to ask your acceptance of the wine, and
express my constant wishes for your happiness.
This however seems secured by your
philosophy and peaceful vocation.
I shall still hope that amidst public dissension
private friendship may be preserved inviolate,
and among the warmest you can ever possess
is that of Your obliged humble servant.3
Peyton Randolph of Virginia returned for the Second Continental Congress
in Philadelphia on May 10, and he was again elected president.
On May 10 Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain Boys and
Col. Benedict Arnold captured Fort Ticonderoga in New York.
Governor Dunmore on May 12 proclaimed a new Assembly
to consider Prime Minister North’s reconciliation resolution.
Radicals quickly organized a third Virginia convention with an election of delegates.
On May 14 Peyton Randolph left Philadelphia.
Virginia and New England were preparing their defenses, and
on May 15 the Continental Congress unanimously resolved for defenses.
George Washington was appointed to lead a
committee to organize positions in New York.
On May 24 John Hancock was unanimously elected President of the Congress.
Benedict Arnold led an attack on Fort Saint Jean on the Richelieu River
on his way to Lake Champlain where he argued with
the Connecticut militia and resigned his commission.
Virginia’s General Assembly met on June 1.
Dunmore invited them into the Council Chamber, and he reported that|
some wore swords while others dressed like Indians.
He asked the House to pay for the veterans who fought the Indians.
The burgesses met separately, and Speaker Peyton Randolph
chose Jefferson to write a response.
On June 5 Jefferson read aloud to the House his criticism of the
King’s ministers for betraying the colony with unconstitutional policies.
On June 15 John Adams nominated George Washington
as Commander in Chief, and he was elected.
The President of the Congress signed the approved resolution.
The battle at Bunker Hill in Boston was fought on June 17.
Virginia Speaker Randolph included young Jefferson among the state’s
delegates to the Congress in Philadelphia, and he arrived there on 21 June 1775.
Jefferson in Philadelphia on June 26 in a letter to Francis Eppes
filled in his brother-in-law on what was happening in the war.
You will before this have heard that the war is now
heartily entered into, without a prospect of accommodation
but through the effectual interposition of arms.
General Gage has received considerable reinforcements,
though not to the whole amount of what was expected.
There has lately been an action
at the outlet of the town of Boston.
The particulars we have not yet
been able to get with certainty.
The event however was considerably
in our favor as to the numbers killed.
Our account says we had between
40 and 70 killed and 140 wounded.
The enemy had certainly 500 wounded and the same
account supposes that number killed; but judging from
the proportion of wounded and slain on our part,
they should not have perhaps above 200 killed.
This happened on Saturday, and on Monday
when the express came away the provincials
had begun to make another attack.
Washington set out from here on Friday last as
Generalissimo of all the Provincial troops in North-America.
Ward and Lee are appointed
major Generals, and Gates Adjutant.
We are exceedingly anxious till we hear of their
arrival at Boston, as it is evident to everyone
that the provincial encampment is the most
injudicious that can possibly be conceived.
For the sole purpose of covering two small towns
near Boston they have encamped so near the line
of the ministerial army that the sentries may converse.
Gage too being well fortified is in little danger of an attack
from them, while their situation is such that he may attack
them when he pleases, and if he is unsuccessful they
cannot pursue him a foot scarcely, on account of the ships
and floating batteries bearing on the neck of Boston.
If no evil arises from this till General Washington
arrives we may expect to hear of his withdrawing
the provincial troops to a greater distance.
The Congress have directed 20,000 men
to be raised and hope by a vigorous campaign
to dispose our enemies to treaty.
Governor Carleton has been spiriting up
the Canadian Indians to fall on our back
settlements but this we hope will be prevented.
Governor Skeene appointed to take charge of the fortresses
on the lakes was intercepted here, and as we had already
taken possession of those fortifications and provided a
governor there was no occasion for him to proceed.
He is now therefore our prisoner.4
Thomas Jefferson wrote the first draft of “The Declaration on Taking Arms.”
John Dickinson wrote a draft for “A Declaration by the Representatives
of the United Colonies of North America now sitting met in General Congress
at Philadelphia, setting forth the Causes and Necessity of their taking up Arms.”
They worked out “A declaration by the Representatives of the United Colonies
of North America, now met in General Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth
the causes and necessity of their taking up arms” which was approved
by the Continental Congress on 6 July 1775.
This is that document:
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason,
to believe, that the Divine Author of our existence intended
a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in,
and an unbounded power over others, marked out
by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects
of a legal domination never rightfully resistible,
however severe and oppressive, the Inhabitants
of these Colonies might at least require from the
Parliament of Great Britain some evidence, that this dreadful
authority over them, has been granted to that body.
But a reverence for our great Creator, principles of
humanity and the dictates of common sense must convince
all those who reflect upon the subject that government
was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind
and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end.
The legislature of Great Britain, however, stimulated
by an inordinate passion for a power, not only unjustifiable,
but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the
very constitution of that kingdom, and desperate of success
in any mode of contest, where regard should be had
to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those,
attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose
of enslaving these Colonies by violence,
and have thereby rendered it necessary for us
to close with their last appeal from Reason to Arms.
Yet however blinded that assembly may be by their
intemperate rage for unlimited domination,
so to slight justice and the opinion of mankind,
we esteem ourselves bound, by obligations of respect to the
rest of the world to make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great Britain,
left their native land to seek on these shores
a residence for civil and religious freedom.
At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their
fortunes, without the least charge to the country
from which they removed, by unceasing labor,
and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements
in the distant and inhospitable wilds of America,
then filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians.
Societies or governments, vested with perfect legislatures,
were formed under charters from the crown,
and a harmonious intercourse was established
between the colonies and the kingdom
from which they derived their origin.
The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time
so extraordinary as to excite astonishment.
It is universally confessed that the amazing increase
of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm,
arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely
and successfully directed the measures of Great Britain
in the late war, publicly declared that
these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies.
Towards the conclusion of that war it pleased
our sovereign to make a change in his counsels.
From that fatal moment the affairs of the British empire
began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding
from the summit of glorious prosperity, to which
they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities
of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions,
that now shake it to its deepest foundations.
The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain,
though frequently defeated, yet still contending,
took up the unfortunate idea of granting them
a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends.
These devoted colonies were judged to be
in such a state as to present victories without bloodshed
and all the easy emoluments of statute-able plunder.
The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful
behavior from the beginning of colonization their dutiful,
zealous, and useful services during the war, though so
recently and amply acknowledged in the most honorable
manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by Parliament,
could not save them from the meditated innovations.
Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project,
and assuming a new power over them have in the course of
eleven years given such decisive specimens of the spirit and
consequences attending this power as to leave no doubt
concerning the effects of acquiescence under it.
They have undertaken to give and grant our money without
our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive
right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been
passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of Admiralty
and Vice-Admiralty beyond their ancient limits;
for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege
of trial by jury in cases affecting both life and property;
for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies;
for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another;
and for altering fundamentally the form of government
established by charter and secured by acts of its own
legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown;
for exempting the “murderers” of colonists from legal trial,
and in effect, from punishment;
for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired by the joint
arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous
to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers
upon the colonists in time of profound peace.
It has also been resolved in parliament that
colonists charged with committing certain offences
shall be transported to England to be tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail?
By one statute it is declared that parliament can “of right
make laws to bind us IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER.”
What is to defend us against so enormous,
so unlimited a power?
Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us;
or is subject to our control or influence;
but on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the
operation of such laws, and an American revenue,
if not diverted from the ostensible purposes
for which it is raised, would actually lighten
their own burdens in proportion as they increase ours
We saw the misery to which
such despotism would reduce us.
We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged
the Throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated
with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
But Administration, sensible that we should regard these
oppressive measures as freemen ought to do,
sent over fleets and armies to enforce them.
The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true;
but it was the indignation of a virtuous,
loyal, and affectionate people.
A Congress of Delegates from the United Colonies was
assembled at Philadelphia on the fifth day of last September.
We resolved again to offer a humble and dutiful petition
to the King, and also addressed
our fellow-subjects of Great Britain.
We have pursued every temperate, every respectful
measure: we have even proceeded to break off our
commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last
peaceable admonition that our attachment to no nation
upon earth should supplant our attachment to liberty.
This, we flattered ourselves,
was the ultimate step of the Controversy.
But subsequent events have shown how vain
was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies were
inserted in his Majesty’s speech; our petition, though we
were told it was a decent one, and that his Majesty had
been pleased to receive it graciously and to promise laying
it before his Parliament, was huddled into both houses
amongst a bundle of American papers, and there neglected.
The Lords and Commons in their address in the month of
February said that “a rebellion at that time actually existed
within the province of Massachusetts Bay; and that those
concerned in it, had been countenanced and encouraged
by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into
by his Majesty’s subjects in several of the other colonies;
and therefore they besought his Majesty that he would take
the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience
to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature.”
Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies,
with foreign countries and with each other was cut off
by an act of Parliament; by another, several of them were
entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas
near their coasts on which they always depended for their
sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops
were immediately sent over to General Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and
eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished
Peers and Commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted
the justice of our cause to stay or even to mitigate the
heedless fury with which these accumulated
and unexampled outrages were hurried on.
Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London,
of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor.
Parliament adopted an insidious maneuver calculated
to divide us to establish a perpetual auction of taxations
where colony should bid against colony, all of them
uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus
to extort from us at the point of the bayonet the unknown
sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to
gratify, ministerial rapacity with the miserable indulgence
left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute.
What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been
dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies?
In our circumstances to accept them
would be to deserve them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived
on this continent, General Gage, who in the course of the
last year had taken possession of the town of Boston,
in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and still occupied it
as a garrison on the 19th day of April sent out from that
place a large detachment of his army, who made an
unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province,
at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits
of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers
and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight
of the inhabitants and wounded many others.
From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the
town of Concord, where they set upon another party
of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and
wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country;
people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression.
Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops,
have been since prosecuted by them
without regard to faith or reputation.
The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town
by the General their Governor, and having, in order to
procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him,
it was stipulated that the said inhabitants having deposited
their arms with their own magistrates, should have liberty
to depart, taking with them their other ejects.
They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open
violation of honor, in defiance of the obligation of treaties,
which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the Governor
ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be
preserved for their owners to be seized by a body of
soldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants
in the town and compelled the few who were permitted
to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands,
children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their
relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them;
and those who have been used to live in plenty and even
elegance are reduced to deplorable distress.
The General, further emulating his ministerial masters,
by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June,
after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against
the good people of these colonies, proceeds to
“declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels
and traitors, to supersede the course of the common law,
and instead thereof to publish and order
the use and exercise of the law martial.”
His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly
burned Charles-town, besides a considerable number of
houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized;
the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted,
and he is exerting his utmost power to spread
destruction and devastation around him.
We have received certain intelligence that General
Carleton, the Governor of Canada, is instigating the people
of that province and the Indians to fall upon us;
and we have but too much reason to apprehend that schemes
have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us.
In brief, a part of these colonies now feels,
and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as
the vengeance of administration can inflict them,
the complicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine.
We are reduced to the alternative of choosing
an unconditional submission to the tyranny
of irritated ministers, or resistance by force.
The latter is our choice.
We have counted the cost of this contest and find nothing
so dreadful as voluntary slavery.
Honor, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender
that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors,
and which our innocent posterity
have a right to receive from us.
We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning
succeeding generations to that wretchedness which
inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail
hereditary bondage upon them.5
On July 8 the Second Continental Congress sent its “Olive Branch Petition”
to King George III, and there was no response.
Jefferson wrote this in his Autobiography about what happened in 1775:
Mr. Randolph was according to expectation
obliged to leave the chair of Congress to attend
the General Assembly summoned by Lord Dunmore
to meet on the 1st day of June 1775.
Lord North’s conciliatory propositions, as they were called,
had been received by the Governor and furnished
the subject for which this assembly was convened.
Mr. Randolph accordingly attended, and the tenor of these
propositions being generally known, as having been
addressed to all the governors, he was anxious that
the answer of our assembly, likely to be the first,
should harmonize with what he knew to be the sentiments
and wishes of the body he had recently left.
He feared that Mr. Nicholas, whose mind was not yet
up to the mark of the times, would undertake the answer,
& therefore pressed me to prepare an answer.
I did so, and with his aid carried it through the house
with long and doubtful scruples from Mr. Nicholas
and James Mercer, and a dash of cold water on it
here & there, enfeebling it somewhat,
but finally with unanimity or a vote approaching it.
This being passed, I repaired immediately to Philadelphia,
and conveyed to Congress the first notice they had of it
It was entirely approved there.
I took my seat with them on the 21st of June.
On the 24th a committee which had been appointed
to prepare a declaration of the causes of taking up arms,
brought in their report (drawn I believe by John Rutledge)
which not being liked they recommitted it on the 26th,
and added Mr. Dickinson and myself to the committee.
On the rising of the house, the committee
having not yet met, I happened to find myself near
Governor William Livingston and proposed to him
to draw the paper.
He excused himself and proposed that I should draw it.
On my pressing him with urgency, “we are as yet
but new acquaintances, sir,” said he;
“why are you so earnest for my doing it?”
“Because,” said I, “I have been informed that you drew
the Address to the people of Great Britain,
a production certainly of the finest pen in America.”
“On that,” says he, “perhaps sir
you may not have been correctly informed.”
I had received the information in Virginia
from Col. Harrison on his return from that Congress.
Lee, Livingston & Jay had been
the committee for that draught.
The first, prepared by Lee,
had been disapproved & recommitted.
The second was drawn by Jay, but being presented by
Governor Livingston, had led Col. Harrison into the error.
The next morning, walking in the hall of Congress,
many members being assembled but the house not yet
formed, I observed Mr. Jay, speaking to Richard Henry Lee,
and leading him by the button of his coat to me.
“I understand, sir,” said he to me, “that this gentleman
informed you that Governor Livingston drew
the Address to the people of Great Britain.”
I assured him at once that I had not received that information
from Mr. Lee & that not a word had ever passed
on the subject between Mr. Lee & myself;
and after some explanations the subject was dropped.
These gentlemen had had some sparring in debate before,
and continued ever very hostile to each other.
I prepared a draught of the Declaration committed to us.
It was too strong for Mr. Dickinson.
He still retained the hope of reconciliation with
the mother country, and was unwilling
it should be lessened by offensive statements.
He was so honest a man & so able a one that
he was greatly indulged even by those
who could not feel his scruples.
We therefore requested him to take the paper
and put it into a form he could approve.
He did so, preparing an entire new statement,
and preserving of the former only the
last 4 paragraphs & half of the preceding one.
We approved & reported it to Congress who accepted it.
Congress gave a signal proof of their indulgence
to Mr. Dickinson and of their great desire not to go too fast
for any respectable part of our body, in permitting him
to draw their second petition to the King according to his
own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amendment.
The disgust against this humility was general;
and Mr. Dickinson’s delight at its passage was
the only circumstance which reconciled them to it.
The vote being passed, although further observation on it
was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and
expressing his satisfaction and concluded by saying
“there is but one word, Mr. President, in the paper which
I disapprove, & that is the word “Congress” on which
Ben Harrison rose and said “there is but one word
in the paper, Mr. President, of which I approve,
and that is the word “Congress.”
On the 22d of July Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams,
Richard Henry Lee, & myself were appointed
a committee to consider and report
on Lord North’s conciliatory resolution.
The answer of the Virginia assembly on that subject
having been approved, I was requested by the committee
to prepare this report, which will account for
the similarity of feature in the two instruments.6
On July 22 Jefferson was included in another committee
with Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and Richard Henry Lee
to work on a response to Lord North’s conciliatory resolution.
The Continental Congress adopted this report on July 31,
and they adjourned on August 1.
Jefferson became a friend of George Washington.
Jefferson did not make speeches in Congress.
Yet he had a reputation as a skilled writer and was effective in conversations.
On August 25 Jefferson wrote this letter to John Randolph:
I received your message by Mr. Braxton and immediately
gave him an order on the Treasurer for the money,
which the Treasurer assured me should be
answered on his return.
I now send the bearer for the violin and such music
appertaining to her as may be of no use to the young ladies.
I believe you had no case to her.
If so, be so good as to direct Watt Lenox to get from
Prentis’s some bays or other coarse woollen to wrap her in,
and then to pack her securely in a wooden box.
I am sorry the situation of our country should render it
not eligible to you to remain longer in it.
I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will e’er long
put an end to this unnatural contest.
There may be people to whose tempers and dispositions
Contention may be pleasing, and who may therefore
wish a continuance of confusion.
But to me it is of all states, but one, the most horrid.
My first wish is a restoration of our just rights;
my second a return of the happy period when,
consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally
from the public stage and pass the rest of my days
in domestic ease and tranquility, banishing every desire
of afterwards even hearing what passes in the world.
Perhaps ardor for the latter may add considerably
to the warmth of the former wish.
Looking with fondness towards a reconciliation
with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may
be able to contribute towards expediting this good work.
I think it must be evident to yourself that the ministry
have been deceived by their officers on this side the water,
who (for what purposes I cannot tell) have constantly
represented the American opposition as that of a small
faction in which the body of the people took little part.
This you can inform them
of your own knowledge to be untrue.
They have taken it into their heads too that we are cowards
and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force.
The past and future operations of the war
must confirm or undeceive them on that head.
I wish they were thoroughly and minutely acquainted with
every circumstance relative to America as it exists in truth.
I am persuaded this would go far towards
disposing them to reconciliation.
Even those in parliament who are called friends to America
seem to know nothing of our real determinations.
I observe they pronounced in the last parliament that
the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously
on the terms they held out, but kept something
in reserve to give up; and in fact that they would
give up everything but the article of taxation.
Now the truth is far from this, as I can affirm,
and put my honor to the assertion; and their continuance
in this error may perhaps have very ill consequences.
The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought possible
to be accepted in order to convince the world
they were not unreasonable.
They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade,
and all the acts of parliament prior to 1764
leaving to British generosity to render these
at some future time as easy to America
as the interest of Britain would admit.
But this was before blood was spilt.
I cannot affirm, but have reason to think,
these terms would not now be accepted.
I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of
our real intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions
of right will be accepted may induce the ministry
to trifle with accommodation till it shall be put
even out of our own power ever to accommodate.
If indeed Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies,
be a match for the most potent nations of Europe with the
colonies thrown into their scale, they may go on securely.
But if they are not assured of this, it would be certainly
unwise, by trying the event of another campaign,
to risk our accepting a foreign aid which perhaps
may not be obtainable but on a condition
of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain.
This would be thought a hard condition to those
who still wish for reunion with their parent country.
I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be
in dependence on Great Britain, properly limited,
than on any nation upon earth, or than on no nation.
But I am one of those too who rather than submit to the
right of legislating for us assumed by the British parliament,
and which late experience has shown
they will so cruelly exercise, would lend
my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.
If undeceiving the minister as to matters of fact may
change his dispositions, it will perhaps be in your power by
assisting to do this, to render service to the whole empire,
at the most critical time certainly that it has ever seen.
Whether Britain shall continue the head of the greatest
empire on earth, or shall return to her original station
in the political scale of Europe depends perhaps
on the resolutions of the succeeding winter.
God send they may be wise and salutary for us all!
I shall be glad to hear from you as often as
you may be disposed to think of things here.
You may be at liberty I expect to communicate some things
consistently with your honor and the duties
you will owe to a protecting nation.
Such a communication among individuals may be
mutually beneficial to the contending parties.
On this or any future occasion if I affirm to you any facts,
your knowledge of me will enable you to decide
on their credibility; if I hazard opinions on
the dispositions of men or other speculative points,
you can only know they are my opinions.
My best wishes for your felicity attend you
wherever you go, and believe me to be
assuredly Your friend & servant.
Th: Jefferson
P.S. My collection of classics and of books of
parliamentary learning particularly
is not so complete as I could wish.
As you are going to the land of literature and of books
you may be willing to dispose of some of yours here
and replace them there in better editions.
I should be willing to treat on this head with anybody
you may think proper to empower for that purpose.7
On November 7 Virginia’s Governor Dunmore proclaimed martial law,
and he announced that slaves and indentured servants who volunteered to
fight for the British against American rebels would gain their freedom.
On November 9 Jefferson in a letter to his friend John Randolph,
who was a loyalist, informed him that his brother Peyton
had died and gave him current news on the war.
I am to give you the melancholy intelligence of
the death of our most worthy Speaker which
happened here on the 22d of the last month.
He was struck with an Apoplexy
and expired within five hours.
I have it in my power to acquaint you that
the successes of our arms have corresponded
with the justice of our cause.
Chambly and St. John’s have been taken
some weeks ago, and in them the whole regular
army in Canada except about 40 or 50 men.
This day we receive certain intelligence that our General
Montgomery is received into Montreal: and expect every
hour to be informed that Quebec has opened its arms to
Col. Arnold who with 1100 men was sent from Boston up
the Kennebec and down the Chaudiere river to that place.
He expected to be there early this month.
Montreal acceded to us on the 13th and Carleton set
out with the shattered remains of his little army for
Quebec where we hope he will be taken up by Arnold.
In a short time we have reason to hope the delegates
of Canada will join us in Congress and complete the
American Union as far as we wish to have it completed.
We hear that one of the British transports
is arrived at Boston, the rest are beating
off the coast in very bad weather.
You will have heard before this reaches you that
Lord Dunmore has commenced hostilities in Virginia.
That people bore with everything till
he attempted to burn the town of Hampton.
They opposed and repelled him with
considerable loss on his side and none on ours.
It has raised our country into perfect frensy.
It is an immense misfortune to the whole empire
to have a king of such a disposition at such a time.
We are told and everything proves it true
that he is the bitterest enemy we have.
His minister is able, and that satisfies me that
ignorance or wickedness somewhere controls him.
In an earlier part of this contest our petitions told him
that from our king there was but one appeal.
The admonition was despised and that appeal forced on us.
To undo his empire he has but one truth more to learn,
that after colonies have drawn the sword
there is but one step more they can take.
That step is now pressed upon us by the measures
adopted as if they were afraid we would not take it.
Believe me Dear Sir there is not in the
British empire a man who more cordially
loves a Union with Great Britain than I do.
But by the god that made me I will cease
to exist before I yield to a connection on such
terms as the British parliament propose and
in this I think I speak the sentiments of America.
We want neither inducement nor power
to declare and assert a separation.
It is will alone which is wanting and that is growing
apace under the fostering hand of our king.
One bloody campaign will probably decide
everlastingly our future course; I am sorry
to find a bloody campaign is decided on.
If our winds and waters should not combine to rescue their
shores from slavery, and General Howe’s reinforcement
should arrive in safety we have hopes he will be inspirited
to come out of Boston and take another drubbing:
and we must drub you soundly before the sceptered tyrant
will know we are not mere brutes, to crouch under his hand
and kiss the rod with which he deigns to scourge us.
Edmund passed through this city on his way to
Williamsburgh to see whether his presence might
be of service in settling his uncle’s affairs.
He was in perfect health and will return
again to the camp at Cambridge.8
On November 25 Robert Carter Nicholas wrote in a letter to Jefferson
at the conclusion:
No Country ever required greater Exertions
of Wisdom than ours does at present.
If you should be prevented from leaving the Congress
by Matters of greater Consequence, though I scarce think
greater can arise, will it not be necessary to communicate
to the Convention any material Occurrences, which it may
be necessary for them to know for their better Guidance?9
Before Congress closed, Jefferson joined a committee to
“Ascertain Unfinished Business before Congress.”
He suggested 27 issues that needed attention ranging
from reports on currency to Indians making salt.
Jefferson also proposed a panel to govern while Congress
was in recess to gather intelligence and prepare defenses.
On December 4 Col. Woodford reported to the Continental Congress
that many slaves were joining the British and fighting for them.
Thomas Jefferson on December 28 left the Continental Congress
because he was concerned about the health of his wife Martha.
Notes
1. Thomas Jefferson Writings, p. 331-335.
2. Thomas Jefferson: A Life by Willard Sterne Randall, p. 226.
3. Thomas Jefferson Writings, p. 747-748.
4. Declaration on Taking Arms; July 6, 1775 (online)
5. Thomas Jefferson Writings, p. 10-12.
6. Basic Writings of Thomas Jefferson ed. Philip S. Foner, 509-510.
7. Thomas Jefferson Writings, p. 748-751.
8. From Thomas Jefferson to John Randolph, 29 November 1775 (Online)
9. From Robert Carter Nicholas to the Virginia Delegates in Congress,
25 November 1775 (Online)
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