President Washington had consulted with Madison, Hamilton, and Jay
on a farewell address, and he chose more from Hamilton’s version than Madison’s.
He published it in the American Daily Advertiser on September 19 as
“To the PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES.”
Here is the entire Farewell Address:
Friends and Fellow Citizens:
The period for a new election of a Citizen to Administer
the Executive government of the United States,
being not far distant, and the time actually arrived
when your thoughts must be employed in designating
the person who is to be clothed with that important trust,
it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce
to a more distinct expression of the public voice,
that I should now apprise you of the resolution
I have formed to decline being considered among the
number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice
to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken,
without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining
to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country,
and that, in withdrawing the tender of service,
which silence in my situation might imply,
I am influenced by no diminution of zeal
for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect
for your past kindness; but am supported by a full
conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office
to which your Suffrages have twice called me, have been
a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty,
and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire.
I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier
in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not
at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement,
from which I had been reluctantly drawn.
The strength of my inclination to do this previous
to the last Election, had even led to the preparation
of an address to declare it to you;
but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical
posture of our Affairs with foreign Nations,
and the unanimous advice of persons entitled
to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the state of your concerns,
external as well as internal, no longer renders
the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment
of duty, or propriety, and am persuaded
whatever partiality may be retained for my services,
that in the present circumstances of our country,
you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions, with which I first undertook
the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion.
In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have,
with good intentions, contributed toward the Organization
and Administration of the government, the best exertions
of which a very fallible judgment was capable.
Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority
of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes,
perhaps still more in the eyes of others,
has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself;
and every day the increasing weight of years
admonishes me more and more, that the shade
of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome.
Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value
to my services, they were temporary,
I have the consolation to believe,
that while choice and prudence invite me
to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which is intended
to terminate the career of my political life,
my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep
acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude
which I owe to my beloved country
for the many honors it has conferred upon me;
still more for the steadfast confidence with which
it has supported me; and for the opportunities
I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable
attachment by services faithful and persevering,
though in usefulness unequal to my zeal.
If benefits have resulted to our country from these services,
let it always be remembered to your praise,
and as an instructive example in our annals,
that, under circumstances in which the Passions,
agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead,
amidst appearances sometimes dubious,
vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging,
in situations in which not unfrequently want of Success
has countenanced the spirit of criticism,
the constancy of your support was the essential prop
of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans
by which they were effected.
Profoundly penetrated with this idea,
I shall carry it with me, to my grave,
as a strong incitement to unceasing vows
that Heaven may continue to you
the choicest tokens of its beneficence;
that your Union and brotherly affection may be perpetual;
that the free constitution, which is the work
of your hands, may be sacredly maintained;
that its Administration in every department
may be stamped with wisdom and Virtue;
that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States,
under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete,
by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use
of this blessing as will acquire to them
the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection,
and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop.
But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end
but with my life, and the apprehension of danger,
natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion
like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation,
and to recommend to your frequent review,
some sentiments; which are the result of much reflection,
of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me
all important to the permanency of your felicity as a People.
These will be offered to you with the more freedom,
as you can only see in them the disinterested
warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly
have no personal motive to bias his counsel.
Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it,
your indulgent reception of my sentiments
on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament
of your hearts, no recommendation of mine
is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The Unity of Government which constitutes you
one people is also now dear to you.
It is justly so; for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your
real independence, the support of your tranquility at home;
your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity;
of that very Liberty which you so highly prize.
But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes
and from different quarters, much pains will be taken,
many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds
the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your
political fortress against which the batteries of internal
and external enemies will be most constantly and actively
(though often covertly and insidiously) directed,
it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate
the immense value of your national Union
to your collective and individual happiness;
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual
and immovable attachment to it;
accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it
as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity;
watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion
that it can in any event be abandoned,
and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning
of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties
which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement
of sympathy and interest.
Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country,
that country has a right to concentrate your affections.
The name of American, which belongs to you,
in your national capacity,
must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism more
than any appellation derived from local discriminations.
With slight shades of difference, you have the same
Religion, Manners, Habits and political Principles.
You have in a common cause
fought and triumphed together.
The independence and liberty you possess
are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts,
of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully
they address themselves to your sensibility
are greatly outweighed by those which
apply more immediately to your Interest.
Here every portion of our country finds the most
commanding motives for carefully guarding
and preserving the Union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South,
protected by the equal Laws of a common government,
finds in the productions of the latter great additional
resources of Maritime and commercial enterprise
and precious materials of manufacturing industry.
The South, in the same Intercourse,
benefiting by the Agency of the North,
sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand.
Turning partly into its own channels the seamen
of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated;
and while it contributes in different ways to nourish
and increase the general mass of the National navigation,
it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength,
to which itself is unequally adapted.
The East, in a like intercourse with the West,
already finds, and in the progressive improvement
of interior communications, by land and water,
will more and more find, a valuable vent
for the commodities which it brings
from abroad, or manufactures at home.
The West derives from the East supplies
requisite to its growth and comfort,
and what is perhaps of still greater consequence,
it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment
of indispensable outlets for its own productions
to the weight, influence, and the future Maritime strength
of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by
an indissoluble community of interest as one nation.
Any other tenure by which the West can hold
this essential advantage, whether derived from its own
separate strength or from an apostate
and unnatural connection with any foreign Power,
must be intrinsically precarious.
While the every part of our country thus feels
an immediate and particular Interest in Union,
all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass
of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource,
proportionably greater security from external danger,
a less frequent interruption of their Peace
by foreign Nations; and, what is of inestimable value,
they must derive from Union an exemption
from those broils and Wars between themselves,
which so frequently afflict neighboring countries,
not tied together by the same government; which
their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce,
but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments
and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter.
Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity
of those overgrown Military establishments, which
under any form of Government are inauspicious to liberty,
and which are to be regarded as
particularly hostile to Republican Liberty:
In this sense it is that your Union ought to be considered
as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one
ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language
to every reflecting and virtuous mind,
and exhibit the continuance of the Union
as a primary object of Patriotic desire.
Is there a doubt, whether a common government
can embrace so large a sphere?
Let experience solve it.
To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal.
We are authorized to hope that a proper organization
of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments
for the respective Sub divisions,
will afford a happy issue to the experiment.
’T is well worth a fair and full experiment
With such powerful and obvious motives to Union,
affecting all parts of our country, while experience
shall not have demonstrated its impracticability,
there will always be reason, to distrust the patriotism
of those, who in any quarter
may endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union,
it occurs as matter of serious concern, that
any ground should have been furnished
for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations:
Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western;
whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief
that there is a real difference of local interests and views.
One of the expedients of Party to acquire influence,
within particular districts is to misrepresent
the opinions and aims of other Districts.
You cannot shield yourselves too much against
the jealousies and heart burnings which
spring from these misrepresentations.
They tend to render Alien to each other those
who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.
The Inhabitants of our Western country
have lately had a useful lesson on this head.
They have seen, in the Negotiation by the Executive,
and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate
of the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction
at that event throughout the United States,
a decisive proof how unfounded were
the suspicions propagated among them of a policy
in the General Government and in the Atlantic States
unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi.
They have been witnesses to the formation of two Treaties
that with G: Britain and that with Spain,
which secure to them everything they could desire
in respect to our foreign relations
toward confirming their prosperity.
Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation
of these advantages on the Union
by which they were procured?
Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers,
if such there are, who would sever them
from their Brethren and connect them with Aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of Your Union,
a Government for the whole is indispensable.
No Alliances however strict between the parts
can be an adequate substitute.
They must inevitably experience the infractions
and interruptions which all Alliances
in all times have experienced.
Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved
upon your first essay by the adoption of
a Constitution of Government, better calculated
than your former for an intimate Union, and for
the efficacious management of your common concerns.
This government, the offspring of our own choice
uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation
and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles,
in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy,
and containing within itself a provision
for its own amendment, has a just claim
to your confidence and your support.
Respect for its authority, compliance with its Laws,
acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined
by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty.
The basis of our political systems is the right of the people
to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government.
But the Constitution which at any time exists, ’till changed
by an explicit and authentic act of the whole People
is sacredly obligatory upon all.
The very idea of the power and the right of the People
to establish Government presupposes the duty
of every individual to obey the established Government.
All obstructions to the execution of the Laws,
all combinations and Associations, under whatever
plausible character, with the real design to direct, control
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action
of the Constituted authorities, are destructive
of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency.
They serve to organize faction,
to give it an artificial and extraordinary force;
to put in the place of the delegated will of the Nation,
the will of a party; often a small but artful
and enterprising minority of the Community; and,
according to the alternate triumphs of different parties,
to make the public administration the Mirror
of the ill concerted and incongruous projects
of faction, rather than the organ of consistent
and wholesome plans digested by common counsels
and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or Associations of the above
description may now and then answer popular ends,
they are likely, in the course of time and things to become
potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious
and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert
the Power of the People, and to usurp for themselves
the reins of Government; destroying afterwards the
very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Toward the preservation of your Government
and the permanency of your present happy state,
it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance
irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority,
but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation
upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.
One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms
of the Constitution, alterations which will impair
the energy of the system, and thus to undermine
what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember
that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true
character of Governments as of other human institutions;
that experience is the surest standard, by which to test
the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a country;
that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis
and opinion exposes to perpetual change,
from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion:
and remember, especially, that for the efficient management
of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours,
a Government of as much vigor as is consistent
with the perfect security of Liberty is indispensable.
Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers
properly distributed and adjusted, its surest Guardian.
It is, indeed, little else than a name where the Government
is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction,
to confine each member of the Society within the limits
prescribed by the laws and to maintain all in the secure
and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of Parties
in the State, with particular reference to
the founding of them on Geographical discriminations.
Let me now take a more comprehensive view,
and warn you in the most solemn manner against
the baneful effects of the Spirit of Party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human Mind.
It exists under different shapes in all Governments,
more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed;
but, in those of the popular form it is seen
in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another,
sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension,
which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the
most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism.
But this leads at length to a more formal
and permanent despotism.
The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline
the minds of men to seek security and repose
in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later
the chief of some prevailing faction more able
or more fortunate than his competitors,
turns this disposition to the purposes
of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind
(which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight)
the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of Party
are sufficient to make it the interest and duty
of a wise People to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the Public Councils
and enfeeble the Public administration.
It agitates the Community
with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms,
kindles the animosity of one part against another,
foments occasionally riot and insurrection.
It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption,
which find a facilitated access to the government itself
through the channels of party passion.
Thus the policy and the will of one country,
are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are
useful checks upon the Administration of the Government
and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty.
This within certain limits is probably true,
and in Governments of a Monarchical cast
Patriotism may look with indulgence,
if not with favor, upon the spirit of party.
But in those of the popular character,
in Governments purely elective,
it is a spirit not to be encouraged.
From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always
be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose;
and there being constant danger of excess,
the effort ought to be by force of public opinion,
to mitigate and assuage it.
A fire not to be quenched; it demands a uniform vigilance
to prevent its bursting into a flame,
lest instead of warming it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking
in a free Country should inspire caution in those entrusted
with its administration to confine themselves
within their respective Constitutional spheres;
avoiding in the exercise of the Powers
of one department to encroach upon another.
The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers
of all the departments in one, and thus to create
whatever the form of government, a real despotism.
A just estimate of that love of power and proneness
to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart
is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position.
The necessity of reciprocal checks
in the exercise of political power;
by dividing and distributing it into different depositories,
and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal
against invasions by the others, has been evinced
by experiments ancient and modern;
some of them in our country and under our own eyes.
To preserve them must be as necessary
as to institute them.
If in the opinion of the People, the distribution
or modification of the Constitutional powers be
in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an
amendment in the way which the Constitution designates.
But let there be no change by usurpation;
for though this, in one instance, may be
the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon
by which free governments are destroyed.
The precedent must always greatly overbalance
in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit
which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports.
In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism,
who should labor to subvert
these great Pillars of human happiness,
these firmest props of the duties of Men and citizens.
The mere Politician, equally with the pious man,
ought to respect and to cherish them.
A volume could not trace all their connections
with private and public felicity.
Let it simply be asked,
Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life,
if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which
are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice?
And let us with caution indulge the supposition that
morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined
education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and
experience both forbid us to expect that National morality
can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
’T is substantially true, that virtue or morality
is a necessary spring of popular government.
The rule indeed extends with more or less force
to every species of free Government.
Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote then as an object of primary importance,
Institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.
In proportion as the structure of a government
gives force to public opinion,
it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security,
cherish public credit.
One method of preserving it is
to use it as sparingly as possible:
avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace,
but remembering also that timely disbursements
to prepare for danger frequently
prevent much greater disbursements to repel it;
avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt,
not only by shunning occasions of expense,
but by vigorous exertions in time of Peace to discharge
the Debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned,
not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen
which we ourselves ought to bear.
The execution of these maxims
belongs to your Representatives,
but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate.
To facilitate to them the performance of their duty,
it is essential that you should practically bear in mind,
that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue;
that to have Revenue there must be taxes;
that no taxes can be devised which
are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant;
that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable
from the selection of the proper objects
(which is always a choice of difficulties),
ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction
of the Conduct of the Government in making it,
and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures
for obtaining Revenue which
the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations.
Cultivate peace and harmony with all.
Religion and morality enjoin this conduct;
and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?
It will be worthy of a free, enlightened,
and at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind
the magnanimous and too novel example of a People
always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.
Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things,
the fruits of such a plan would
richly repay any temporary advantages
which might be lost by a steady adherence to it?
Can it be, that Providence has not connected
the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue?
The experiment, at least, is recommended
by every sentiment which ennobles human Nature.
Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan,
nothing is more essential than that permanent,
inveterate antipathies against particular Nations
and passionate attachments for others should be excluded;
and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings
towards all should be cultivated.
The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual
hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave.
It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection,
either of which is sufficient to lead it
astray from its duty and its interest.
Antipathy in one Nation against another, disposes each
more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight
causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable,
when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.
Hence, frequent collisions,
obstinate envenomed and bloody contests.
The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment,
sometimes impels to War the Government,
contrary to the best calculations of policy.
The Government sometimes participates
in the national propensity,
and adopts through passion what reason would reject;
at other times, it makes the animosity of the Nation
subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride,
ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives.
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty,
of Nations, has been the victim.
So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation
for another produces a variety of evils.
Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion
of an imaginary common interest, in cases
where no real common interest exists,
and infusing into one the enmities of the other,
betrays the former into a participation
in the quarrels and Wars of the latter,
without adequate inducement or justification:
It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation
of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure
the Nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting
with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting
jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate,
in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld:
And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens
(who devote themselves to the favorite Nation)
facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own
country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity;
gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense
of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion,
or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish
compliances of ambition corruption or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways,
such attachments are particularly alarming
to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot.
How many opportunities do they afford to tamper
with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction,
to mislead public opinion,
to influence or awe the public Councils!
Such an attachment of a small or weak,
toward a great and powerful nation dooms
the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence,
( I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens)
the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake;
since history and experience prove that foreign influence
is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government.
But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial;
else it becomes the instrument of the very influence
to be avoided, instead of a defense against it.
Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive
dislike of another cause those whom they actuate
to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil
and even second the arts of influence on the other.
Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite
are liable to become suspected and odious;
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause
and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The Great rule of conduct for us, in regard to
foreign Nations is in extending our commercial relations
to have with them as little political connection as possible.
So far as we have already formed engagements
let them be fulfilled, with perfect good faith.
Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests,
which to us have none or a very remote relation.
Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies,
the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.
Hence therefore it must be unwise in us
to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties,
in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics,
or the ordinary combinations and collisions
of her friendships, or enmities:
Our detached and distant situation invites
and enables us to pursue a different course.
If we remain one People, under an efficient government,
the period is not far off, when we may defy
material injury from external annoyance;
when we may take such an attitude
as will cause the neutrality we may at any time
resolve upon to be scrupulously respected;
when belligerent nations, under the impossibility
of making acquisitions upon us,
will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation;
when we may choose peace or war,
as our interest guided by justice shall Counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground?
Why, by interweaving our destiny with that
of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity
in the toils of European Ambition,
Rivalship, Interest, Humor or Caprice?
’T is our true policy to steer clear of permanent Alliances,
with any portion of the foreign world.
So far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it,
for let me not be understood as capable of
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements
(I hold the maxim no less applicable
to public than to private affairs, that
honesty is always the best policy).
I repeat it therefore, let those engagements
be observed in their genuine sense.
But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary
and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable
establishments on a respectable defensive posture,
we may safely trust to temporary alliances
for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all Nations, are
recommended by policy, humanity and interest.
But even our commercial policy should hold an equal
and impartial hand: neither seeking nor granting
exclusive favors or preferences;
consulting the natural course of things;
diffusing and diversifying by gentle means
the streams of Commerce, but forcing nothing;
establishing with Powers so disposed;
in order to give trade a stable course,
to define the rights of our Merchants,
and to enable the Government to support them;
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit,
but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned
or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate;
constantly keeping in view that ’tis folly in one Nation
to look for disinterested favors from another;
that it must pay with a portion of its independence
for whatever it may accept under that character;
that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition
of having given equivalents for nominal favors
and yet of being reproached
with ingratitude for not giving more.
There can be no greater error than to expect,
or calculate upon real favors from Nation to Nation.
’T is an illusion which experience must cure,
which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my Countrymen
these counsels of an old and affectionate friend,
I dare not hope they will make the strong
and lasting impression I could wish;
that they will control the usual current of the passions
or prevent our Nation from running the course
which has hitherto marked the Destiny of Nations.
But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be
productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good;
that they may now and then recur
to moderate the fury of party spirit,
to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue,
to guard against the Impostures of pretended patriotism;
this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude
for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my Official duties, I have been
guided by the principles which have been delineated,
the public Records and other evidences of my conduct
must Witness to you and to the world.
To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that
I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe,
my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793,
is the index to my plan.
Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that
of Your Representatives in both Houses of Congress,
the spirit of that measure has continually governed me;
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights
I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our Country,
under all the circumstances of the case,
had a right to take, and was bound
in duty and interest, to take, a Neutral position.
Having taken it, I determined as far as
should depend upon me, to maintain it
with moderation, perseverance and firmness.
The considerations, which respect the right to hold
this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail.
I will only observe, that according to my understanding
of the matter, that right, so far from being denied
by any of the Belligerent Powers,
has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a Neutral conduct may be inferred,
without anything more, from the obligation which
justice and humanity impose on every Nation,
in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate
the relations of Peace and amity toward other Nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct
will best be referred to your own reflections and experience.
With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor
to gain time to our country to settle and mature
its yet recent institutions, and to progress
without interruption to that degree of strength
and consistency, which is necessary to give it,
humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration,
I am unconscious of intentional error,
I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think
it probable that I may have committed many errors.
Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty
to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend.
I shall also carry with me the hope that my Country
will never cease to view them with indulgence;
and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated
to its Service, with an upright zeal, the faults
of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion,
as myself must soon be to the Mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things,
and actuated by that fervent love toward it, which is
so natural to a Man, who views in it the native soil
of himself and his progenitors for several Generations;
I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which
I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet
enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow Citizens,
the benign influence of good Laws under
a free Government, the ever favorite object of my heart,
and the happy reward, as I trust,
of our mutual cares, labors and dangers.1
Washington recognized interest and emphasized duty,
and he warned against permanent alliances.
By retiring rather than dying in office, he set an important precedent
that a republic could change its head by election rather than by death.
He mentioned the treaties with Britain and Spain that had improved foreign relations.
Washington also wrote about republican government.
Washington believed that the virtue of ethics is necessary for popular government,
and therefore he recommended promoting institutions
of learning and the diffusion of knowledge.
As democratic government depends on public opinion,
those opinions should be enlightened.
In foreign relations he urged “good faith and justice toward all nations,”
cultivating peace and harmony with all.
Although he favored extending commercial relations,
he advised having as little political connection as possible.
They should “steer clear of permanent alliances,” and he accepted that
“honesty is always the best policy” in public as well as in private affairs.
France’s minister Adet in November published diplomatic notes
to try to persuade Americans to elect Jefferson president.
Washington allowed Secretary of State Pickering to answer his claims
in the newspapers, though Hamilton disagreed with this strategy.
Before the Congressional election the Republicans had a slight majority 58-57
in the House; but after the 1796 voting, the Federalists outnumbered them 64-53.
In the presidential election John Adams received 71 electoral votes
to 68 for Thomas Jefferson, making them President and Vice President.
The Federalist Thomas Pinckney was given 59 votes,
the Republican Aaron Burr 30, and the Republican Samuel Adams 15.
John Adams was elected, and the current rules made Jefferson the Vice President.
In the Senate the Federalists increased their advantage to a 20-10 two-thirds majority.
Washington on December 7 in his 8th Message to Congress described
the state of the union noting how diplomacy had made peace with the Indians
of the northwest, the Creeks and Cherokees in the south, Morocco, Spain, and Britain.
Agriculture, commerce, and manufacturing were prospering more than ever before,
and the governments based on rational liberty were using “mild and wholesome laws.”
Trade by shipping had tripled since Washington became president as
American imports per capita had become 60% higher than any other nation.
He also called for a national university in the new capital.
Here is the entire message:
In recurring to the internal situation of our Country
since I had last the pleasure to Address you,
I find ample reason for a renewed expression
of that gratitude to the ruler of the Universe
which a continued series of prosperity
has so often and so justly called forth.
The Acts of the last Session which required
special arrangements, have been, as far as
circumstances would admit, carried into operation.
Measures calculated to insure a continuance
of the friendship of the Indians, and to preserve peace
along the extent of our interior frontier,
have been digested and adopted.
In the framing of these, care has been taken to guard
on the one hand, our advanced Settlements
from the predatory incursions of those unruly Individuals,
who cannot be restrained by their Tribes,
and on the other hand, to protect the rights secured
to the Indians by Treaty; to draw them nearer
to the civilized state; and inspire them
with correct conceptions of the Power,
as well as justice of the Government.
The meeting of the deputies from the Creek Nation
at Colerain, in the State of Georgia, which had
for a principal object the purchase of a parcel of their land,
by that State, broke up without its being accomplished;
the Nation having, previous to their departure,
instructed them against making any Sale;
the occasion however has been improved,
to confirm by a new Treaty with the Creeks,
their pre-existing engagements with the United States;
and to obtain their consent, to the establishment
of Trading Houses and Military Posts within their boundary;
by means of which, their friendship, and the general peace,
may be more effectually secured.
The period during the late Session, at which
the appropriation was passed, for carrying into effect
the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation
between the United States and his Britannic Majesty,
necessarily procrastinated the reception
of the Posts stipulated to be delivered,
beyond the date assigned for that event.
As soon however as the Governor General of Canada
could be addressed with propriety on the subject,
arrangements were cordially and promptly concluded
for their evacuation; and the United States took possession
of the principal of them, comprehending Oswego, Niagara,
Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Fort Miami;
where, such repairs, and additions have been ordered
to be made, as appeared indispensable.
The Commissioners appointed on the part of
the United States and of Great Britain, to determine
which is the river St. Croix, mentioned
in the Treaty of peace of 1783, agreed
in the choice of Egbert Benson, Esqr., of New York,
for the third commissioner.
The whole met at St. Andrew’s, in Passamaquoddy Bay,
in the beginning of October; and directed surveys
to be made of the Rivers in dispute;
but deeming it impracticable to have these Surveys
completed before the next Year, they adjourned,
to meet at Boston in August 1797,
for the final decision of the question.
Other Commissioners appointed on the part of
the United States, agreeably to the seventh Article
of the Treaty with Great Britain, relative to captures
and condemnations of Vessels and other property,
met the Commissioners of his Britannic Majesty in London,
in August last, when John Trumbull, Esqr.
was chosen by lot for the fifth Commissioner.
In October following the Board were to proceed to business.
As yet there has been no communication of Commissioners
on the part of Great Britain, to unite with those who
have been appointed on the part of the United States,
for carrying into effect the sixth Article of the Treaty.
The Treaty with Spain, required that the Commissioners
for running the boundary line between the territory
of the United States, and his Catholic Majesty’s Provinces
of East and West Florida, should meet at the Natchez,
before the expiration of six Months after the exchange
of the ratifications, which was effected at Aranjuez
on the 25th day of April; and the troops
of his Catholic Majesty occupying any Posts
within the limits of the United States,
were within the same time period to be withdrawn.
The Commissioner of the United States therefore,
commenced his journey for the Natchez in September;
and troops were ordered to occupy the Posts
from which the Spanish Garrisons should be withdrawn.
Information has been recently received, of the appointment
of a Commissioner on the part of his Catholic Majesty
for running the boundary line, but none of any appointment
for the adjustment of the claims of our Citizens, whose
Vessels were captured by the Armed Vessels of Spain.
In pursuance of the Act of Congress,
passed in the last Session, for the protection and relief
of American Seamen, Agents were appointed,
one to reside in Great Britain,
and the other in the West Indies.
The effects of the Agency in the West Indies,
are not yet fully ascertained;
but those which have been communicated afford
grounds to believe, the measure will be beneficial.
The Agent destined to reside in Great Britain,
declining to accept the appointment, the business
has consequently devolved on the Minister
of the United States in London; and will command
his attention, until a new Agent shall be appointed.
After many delays and disappointments, arising out of
the European War, the final arrangements for fulfilling
the engagements made to the Dey and Regency of Algiers,
will, in all present appearance, be crowned with success:
but under great, though inevitable disadvantages,
in the pecuniary transactions, occasioned by that War;
which will render a further provision necessary.
The actual liberation of all our Citizens who were prisoners
in Algiers, while it gratifies every feeling of heart,
is itself an earnest of a satisfactory termination
of the whole negotiation.
Measures are in operation for effecting Treaties
with the Regencies of Tunis and Tripoli.
To an active external Commerce the protection
of a Naval force is indispensable.
This is manifest with regard to Wars
in which a State is itself a party.
But besides this, it is in our own experience, that
the most sincere Neutrality is not a sufficient guard
against the depredations of Nations at War.
To secure respect to a Neutral Flag, requires a Naval force,
organized, and ready to vindicate it, from insult or aggression.
This may even prevent the necessity of going to War,
by discouraging belligerent Powers from committing
such violations of the rights of the Neutral party,
as may first or last, leave no other option.
From the best information I have been able to obtain,
it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean,
without a protecting force, will always be insecure;
and our Citizens exposed to the calamities from which
numbers of them have but just been relieved.
These considerations invite the United States, to look to
the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a Navy.
The increasing progress of their Navigation, promises them,
at no distant period, the requisite supply of Seamen;
and their means, in other respects, favor the undertaking.
It is an encouragement, likewise, that
their particular situation, will give weight and influence
to a moderate Naval force in their hands.
Will it not then be advisable, to begin without delay,
to provide, and lay up the materials for the building
and equipping of Ships of War; and to proceed
in the Work by degrees, in proportion as our resources
shall render it practicable without inconvenience;
so that a future War of Europe may not find
our Commerce in the same unprotected state,
in which it was found by the present.
Congress have repeatedly, and not without success,
directed their attention to the
encouragement of Manufactures.
The object is of too much consequence,
not to insure a continuance of their efforts,
in every way which shall appear eligible.
As a general rule, Manufactures
on public account are inexpedient.
But where the state of things in a Country, leaves little hope
that certain branches of Manufacture will, for a great length
of time obtain; when these are of a nature essential to the
furnishing and equipping of the public force in time of War,
are not establishments for procuring them on public account,
to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service,
recommended by strong considerations of National policy,
as an exception to the general rule?
Ought our Country to remain in such cases, dependent on
foreign supply, precarious, because liable to be interrupted?
If the necessary Articles should, in this mode cost more
in time of peace, will not the security and independence
thence arising, form an ample compensation?
Establishments of this sort, commensurate only
with the calls of the public service in time of peace, will,
in time of War, easily be extended in proportion to
the exigencies of the Government; and may even perhaps
be made to yield a surplus for the supply of our Citizens
at large; so as to mitigate the privations
from the interruption of their trade.
If adopted, the plan ought to exclude all those branches
which are already, or likely soon to be,
established in the Country; in order that they may be no
danger of interference with pursuits of individual industry.
It will not be doubted, that with reference
either to individual, or National Welfare,
Agriculture is of primary importance.
In proportion as Nations advance in population,
and other circumstances of maturity,
this truth becomes more apparent;
and renders the cultivation of the Soil more and more,
an object of public patronage.
Institutions for promoting it grow up, supported
by the public purse: and to what object
can it be dedicated with greater propriety?
Among the means which have been employed to this end,
none have been attended with greater success than the
establishment of Boards, composed of proper characters,
charged with collecting and diffusing information,
and enabled by premiums, and small pecuniary aids, to
encourage and assist a spirit of discovery and improvement.
This species of establishment contributes doubly
to the increase of improvement; by stimulating to enterprise
and experiment, and by drawing to a common center,
the results everywhere of individual skill and observation;
and spreading them thence over the whole Nation.
Experience accordingly has shewn, that they are
very cheap Instruments, of immense National benefits.
I have heretofore proposed to the consideration
of Congress, the expediency of establishing
a National University; and also a Military Academy.
The desirableness of both these Institutions,
has so constantly increased with every new view
I have taken of the subject, that I cannot omit the
opportunity of once for all, recalling your attention to them.
The Assembly to which I address myself,
is too enlightened not to be fully sensible how much
a flourishing state of the Arts and Sciences,
contributes to National prosperity and reputation.
True it is, that our Country, much to its honor, contains
many Seminaries of learning highly repeatable and useful;
but the funds upon which they rest, are too narrow,
to command the ablest Professors,
in the different departments of liberal knowledge,
for the institution contemplated,
though they would be excellent auxiliaries.
Amongst the motives to such an Institution,
the assimilation of the principles, opinions and manners
of our Country men, by the common education of a portion
of our Youth from every quarter, well deserves attention.
The more homogenous our Citizens can be made
in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect
of permanent Union; and a primary object
of such a National Institution should be,
the education of our Youth in the science of Government.
In a Republic, what species of knowledge can be equally
important and what duty, more pressing on its Legislature
than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those,
who are to be the future guardians
of the liberties of the Country?
The Institution of a Military Academy,
is also recommended by cogent reasons.
However pacific the general policy of a Nation may be,
it ought never to be without an adequate stock
of Military knowledge for emergencies.
The first would impair the energy of its character,
and both would hazard its safety, or expose it
to greater evils when War could not be avoided.
Besides that War, might often,
not depend upon its own choice.
In proportion, as the observance of pacific maxims,
might exempt a Nation from the necessity
of practicing the rules of the Military Art,
ought to be its care in preserving, and transmitting,
by proper establishments, the knowledge of that Art.
Whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples,
superficially viewed, a thorough examination
of the subject will evince, that the Art of War,
is at once comprehensive and complicated;
that it demands much previous study, and that
the possession of it in its most improved and perfect state,
is always of great moment to the security of a nation.
This, therefore, ought to be a serious care
of every Government: and for this purpose, an Academy,
where a regular course of Instruction is given
is an obvious expedient, which different Nations
have successfully employed.
The compensation to the Officers of the United States,
in various instances, and in none
more than in respect to the most important stations,
appear to call for Legislative revision.
The consequences of a defective provision,
are of serious import to the Government.
If private wealth, is to supply the defect of public retribution,
it will greatly contract the sphere within which,
the selection of Characters for Office, is to be made,
and will proportionally diminish the probability of
a choice of Men able, as well as upright:
Besides that it should be repugnant to the vital principles
of our Government, virtually to exclude from public trusts,
talents and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth.
While in our external relations, some serious
inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome,
and others lessened, it is with much pain
and deep regret I mention, that circumstances
of a very unwelcome nature, have lately occurred.
Our trade has suffered, and is suffering extensive injuries
in the West Indies, from the Cruisers and Agents
of the French Republic; and communications have been
received from its minister here, which indicate the danger
of a further disturbance of our Commerce, by its authority,
and which are, in other respects, far from agreeable.
It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish,
in conformity with that of our Nation,
to maintain cordial harmony, and
a perfectly friendly understanding with that Republic.
This wish remains unabated; and I shall persevere
in the endeavor to fulfill it, to the utmost extent
of what shall be consistent with a just, and indispensable
regard to the rights and honor of our Country;
nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation,
that a spirit of justice, candor and friendship,
on the part of the Republic, will eventually insure success.
In pursuing this course however, I cannot forget
what is due to the character of our Government and Nation;
or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense,
patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my Countrymen.
I reserve for a special Message a more particular
communication on this interesting subject.Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I have directed an estimate of the Appropriations,
necessary for the service of the ensuing year,
to be submitted from the proper Department;
with a view of the public receipts and expenditures,
to the latest period to which an account can be prepared.
It is with satisfaction I am able to inform you,
that the Revenues of the United States
continue in a state of progressive improvement.
A reinforcement of the existing provisions for discharging
our public Debt was mentioned in my Address
at the opening of the last Session.
Some preliminary steps were taken toward it,
the maturing of which will, no doubt,
engage your zealous attention during the present.
I will only add, that it will afford me, a heart-felt satisfaction,
to concur in such further measures,
as will ascertain to our Country the prospect
of a speedy extinguishment of the Debt.
Posterity may have cause to regret, if, from any motive,
intervals of tranquility are left unimproved
for accelerating this valuable end.
Gentlemen of the Senate,
and of the House of Representatives:
My solicitude to see the Militia of the United States
placed on an efficient establishment, has been so often,
and so ardently expressed that I shall but barely recall
the subject to your view on the present occasion;
at the same time that I shall submit to your enquiry,
whether our Harbors are yet sufficiently secured.
The situation in which I now stand, for the last time,
in the midst of the Representatives of the People of the
United States, naturally recalls the period when the
Administration of the present form of Government
commenced; and I cannot omit the occasion,
to congratulate you and my Country, on the success
of the experiment; nor to repeat my fervent supplications
to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe,
and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that his Providential care
may still be extended to the United States;
that the virtue and happiness of the People,
may be preserved, and that the Government,
which they have instituted, for the protection
of their liberties, may be perpetual.2
On 3 March 1797 President Washington pardoned ten men
who had been convicted of treason during the Whiskey Rebellion,
and he also canceled a fine for a smuggler.
Those were his two last acts as President of the United States.
In his last letter as President on that day he wrote to the outgoing
Speaker of the House of Representatives, Jonathan Trumbull, Jr.:
My dear Sir: Before the curtain drops on my political life,
which it will do this evening, I expect forever;
I shall acknowledge, although it be in a few hasty lines only,
the receipt of your kind and affectionate letter
of the 23d. of January last.
When I add, that according to custom, all the Acts
of the Session; except two or three very unimportant Bills,
have been presented to me within the last four days,
you will not be surprised at the pressure under which
I write at present; but it must astonish others who know
that the Constitution allows the President ten days
to deliberate on each Bill that is brought before him
that he should be allowed by the Legislature
less than half that time to consider all the business
of the Session; and in some instances,
scarcely an hour to revolve the most important.
But as the scene is closing, with me,
it is of little avail now to let it be with murmers.
I should be very unhappy if I thought my relinquishing
the Reins of government would produce any
of the consequences which your fears forebode.
In all free governments, contention in elections
will take place; and whilst it is confined to our own citizens
it is not to be regretted; but severely indeed ought it to be
reprobated when occasioned by foreign machinations.
I trust however, that the good sense of our Countrymen
will guard the public weal against this,
and every other innovation; and that, although
we may be a little wrong, now and then,
we shall return to the right path, with more avidity.
I can never believe that Providence, which has
guided us so long, and through such a labyrinth,
will withdraw its protection at this Crisis.
Although I shall resign the chair of government
without a single regret, or any desire to intermeddle
in politics again, yet there are many of my compatriots
(among whom be assured I place you) from whom
I shall part sorrowing; because, unless I meet with them
at Mount Vernon it is not likely I shall ever see them more,
as I do not expect I shall ever be twenty miles
from it after I am tranquilly settled there.
To tell you how glad I should be to see you at that place
is unnecessary; but this I will add, that it would not only
give me pleasure, but pleasure also to Mrs. Washington,
and others of the family with whom you are acquainted;
and who all unite in every good wish for you,
and yours, with Dear Sir,
Your sincere friend and Affectionate Servant.3
On March 4 the presidency was peacefully transferred
to the elected John Adams when he took the oath of office at his inauguration.
On March 9 Washington and his family that included George Washington Lafayette
and his tutor left Philadelphia, and they arrived at Mount Vernon on March 15.
On September 19 they learned that the Austrians had released Lafayette from prison,
and his son immediately began preparing his journey to France.
Washington had been looking forward to being retired at Mount Vernon with his family.
He had leased several of his farms.
In his last years as President his Cabinet had become Federalists
after the departure of Jefferson, Randolph, and Hamilton.
Washington continued to support the Federalist Party
despite his reluctance to engage in partisan politics.
On 22 June 1798 President John Adams wrote in a letter to Washington,
I have this morning received, with great Pleasure,
the Letter you did me the Honor to write me,
on the 17th of this month.
Although a visit to the city of Washington would give me
great pleasure, and chiefly for the opportunity it would
afford me of paying my respects at Mount Vernon;
yet I cannot but consider the execution of the plan
as very uncertain.
I thank you, Sir, for your obliging invitation, and shall
certainly wish to spend as much time as possible
under the refreshing shade of your vine.
The approbatory addresses are very precious to me,
as they discover more union among the States, and
greater unanimity among the people, than was expected.
My administration will not certainly be easy to myself;
it will be happy, however, if it is honorable.
The prosperity of it to the country will depend upon Heaven,
and very little on anything in my power.
I have no qualifications for the martial part of it,
which is like to be the most essential.
If the Constitution and your convenience would admit
of my changing places with you, or of my taking my old
station as your Lieutenant Civil, I should have no doubts
of the ultimate prosperity and glory of the country.
In forming an army, whenever I must come to that
extremity, I am at an immense loss whether to call out
all the old generals, or to appoint a young set.
If the French come here, we must learn
to march with a quick step, and to attack, for,
in that way only, they are said to be vulnerable.
I must tax you, sometimes for advice.
We must have your name, if you will,
in any case, will permit us to use it.
There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army.4
On 2 July 1798 President Adams named Washington
the commanding general of the armed forces of the United States.
On July 4 Washington became the Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army,
though he would let his friend Alexander Hamilton take charge as a Major General.
Washington would work on organizing the armed forces.
John Adams wrote again to Washington on July 7,
Mr. McHenry, the Secretary at War, will have the Honor
to wait on you, in my behalf, to impart to you a Step
I have ventured to take, and which I should have been
happy to have communicated in person,
if such a journey had been, at this time, in my power.
As I said in a former letter, if it had been in my power
to nominate you to be President of the United States, I
should have done it, with less hesitation and more pleasure.
My reasons for this measure, will be too well known
to need any explanation to the Public.
Every Friend and every Enemy of America,
will comprehend them, at first blush.
To you, Sir I owe all the Apologies I can make.
The urgent necessity, I am in, of your advice and
assistance, indeed of your Conduct and Direction of the War,
is all, I can urge, and that is a sufficient
Justification to myself and the World.
I hope it will be so considered by yourself.
Mr. McHenry will have the honor to consult you
upon the organization of the Army,
and upon every Thing relating to it.
With the highest respect I have the honor to be,
Sir your most obedient and most humble Servant.5
Washington at first had laughed at that idea of resuming the presidency.
Adams explained that relations with France were deteriorating toward a war.
Because of the Jay Treaty the French had captured
or destroyed about 800 American ships devastating trade.
Adams sent a commission to negotiate peace, and he feared an invasion.
On 13 July 1798 Washington in a letter to President John Adams wrote,
It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of,
or indifferent to, recent transactions.
The conduct of the Directory of France towards our Country;
their insidious hostility to its Government; their various
practices to withdraw the affections of the People from it;
the evident tendency of their Arts and those of their Agents
to countenance and invigorate opposition;
their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of Nations;
their war upon our defenseless Commerce;
their treatment of our Ministers of Peace,
and their demands amounting to tribute,
could not fail to excite in me corresponding
sentiments with those my countrymen have so
generally expressed in their affectionate Addresses to you.
Believe me, Sir, no one can more cordially approve
of the wise and prudent measures of your Administration.
They ought to inspire universal confidence,
and will no doubt, combined with the state of things,
call from Congress such laws and means as will enable you
to meet the full force and extent of the Crisis.
Satisfied therefore, that you have sincerely wished and
endeavored to avert war, and exhausted to the last drop,
the cup of reconciliation, we can with pure hearts appeal
to Heaven for the justice of our cause, and may
confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence
who has heretofore, and so often, signally
favored the People of these United States.
Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent it is
upon every person, of every description, to contribute
at all times to his Country’s welfare, and especially
in a moment like the present, when every thing
we hold dear and Sacred is so seriously threatened,
I have finally determined to accept the Commission
of Commander in Chief of the Armies of the United States,
with the reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field
until the Army is in a Situation to require my presence, or
it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances.
In making this reservation, I beg it to be understood that
I do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange
and organize the Army, which you may think I can afford.
I take the liberty also to mention, that I must decline
having my acceptance considered as drawing after it
any immediate charge upon the Public, or that
I can receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment,
before entering into a Situation to incur expense.
The Secretary of War being anxious to return,
to the Seat of Government, I have detained him no longer
than was necessary to a full communication
upon the several points he had in charge.6
In July 1799 a dream inspired Washington to make his will so that his wife Martha
would inherit the slaves with the understanding that they would be freed upon her death.
At that time they had 319 slaves; 143 were children, and 18 were too old for working.
After riding on horseback during a snow-storm, Washington’s chest became congested
and he died on 14 December 1799.
Tobias Lear reported that his last words were “’T is well.”
The estimated value of his estate was $780,000.
The Congress adjourned on December 18, and a joint committee
of the Congress organized a day of mourning on December 26.
At that religious service Henry “Lighthorse Harry” Lee in the eulogy said the famous words,
First in war, first in peace and first in the hearts
of his countrymen, he was second to none
in the humble and endearing scenes of private life.
Pious, just, humane, temperate and sincere—
uniform, dignified and commanding—
example was as edifying to all around him
as were the effects of that example lasting….
Correct throughout, vice shuddered in his presence,
and virtue always felt his fostering hand.
The purity of his private character
gave effulgence to his public virtues.7
In Ron Chernow’s excellent biography of Washington
he summarized his presidency with this paragraph:
Washington’s catalog of accomplishments
was simply breathtaking.
He had restored American credit and assumed the state
debt; created a bank, a mint, a coast guard, a customs
service, and a diplomatic corps; introduced the first
accounting, tax, and budgetary procedures; maintained
peace at home and abroad; inaugurated a navy,
bolstered the army, and shored up coastal defenses and
infrastructures; proved that the country could regulate
commerce and negotiate binding treaties; protected frontier
settlers, subdued Indian uprisings, and established law and
order amid rebellion, scrupulously adhering
all the while to the letter of the Constitution.
During his successful presidency, exports had soared,
shipping had boomed, and state taxes
had declined dramatically.
Washington had also opened the Mississippi to commerce,
negotiated treaties with the Barbary states, and
forced the British to evacuate their northwestern forts.
Most of all he had shown a disbelieving world that
republican government could prosper without being
spineless or disorderly or reverting to authoritarian rule.
In surrendering the presidency after two terms and
overseeing a smooth transition of power,
Washington had demonstrated that
the president was merely the servant of the people.8
Notes
1. Washington Writings, p. 962-977.
2. Ibid., p. 978-985.
3. Ibid., p. 988-989.
4. The Works of John Adams: Second President of the United States, Volume 8
by Charles Francis Adams, p. 572-573.
5. Writings from the New Nation 1784-1826 by John Adams, p. 370.
6. Washington Writings, p. 1006-1007.
7. George Washington, Volume 7 First in Peace
by John Alexander Carroll and Mary Wells Ashworth, p. 651.
8. Washington: A Life by Ron Chernow, p. 770-771.
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